著者
東中野 多聞
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.108, no.9, pp.1619-1638,1713-, 1999-09-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

In 1960, Prime Minister Kishi Nobusuke revised the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. He was a well known politician, having been Minister of Commerce and Industry in the Tojo wartime cabinet. When Tojo requested Kishi to resign in order to reshuffle the Cabinet, Kishi declined, causing Tojo to yield and dissolve his Cabinet on July 18,1944. After the war, Kishi explained that his anti-Tojo actions were aimed at avoiding accusation as a war criminal after the War. There are only a few studies about his wartime politics. Kishi said that he spent his days in idleness after the resignation of the Tojo Cabinet and every study so far acccepts this explanation. The author of the present article doubts this point. After resignation of the Tojo Cabinet, Kishi and 32 others organized a political club called the "Gokoku Doshikai" within the House of Representatives. It consisted of socialists, generals, admirals, and nationalists. They adopted a committee system, established an office, and held study group once a week. Kishi was the virtual leader of this club. They carried out a nationwide campaign called the "National Defence Movement". Kishi also established an ultranationalist association, the "Bocho Sonjo Doshikai", in his hometown of Yamaguchi city. Author also investigates this group, and concludes that both Kishi and the Bocho Sonjo Doshikai were opposed to the end of war. The Gokoku Doshikai was based on one concept of national defence, a "productive Army", (seisan-gun), which aimed at strengthen the economic control. By unifying the munitions industries, Japan could use the materials more efficiently, in preparation for the decisive battle of the Japanese mainland through self-sufficiency. The Gokoku Doshikai was opposed to the Japanese government, because then Prime Minister Suzuki was aiming at ending the war, they denounced the government's policy vehemently; and when Suzuki decided to surrender, the Gokoku Doshikai and the Japanese army resisted. The author concludes that while Kishi contributed to the anti-Tojo movement, he was opposed to surrender. We can see the root of the Kishi's postwar faction in the "Gokoku Doshikai". After the war, two of its members entered the Kishi Cabinet, and five socialist members became the leaders of the Socialist Party. Here we see another point of continuity and discontinuity between prewar and postwar politics.
著者
東中野 多聞
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.108, no.9, pp.1619-1638, 1713-1712, 1999-09-20

In 1960, Prime Minister Kishi Nobusuke revised the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. He was a well known politician, having been Minister of Commerce and Industry in the Tojo wartime cabinet. When Tojo requested Kishi to resign in order to reshuffle the Cabinet, Kishi declined, causing Tojo to yield and dissolve his Cabinet on July 18,1944. After the war, Kishi explained that his anti-Tojo actions were aimed at avoiding accusation as a war criminal after the War. There are only a few studies about his wartime politics. Kishi said that he spent his days in idleness after the resignation of the Tojo Cabinet and every study so far acccepts this explanation. The author of the present article doubts this point. After resignation of the Tojo Cabinet, Kishi and 32 others organized a political club called the "Gokoku Doshikai" within the House of Representatives. It consisted of socialists, generals, admirals, and nationalists. They adopted a committee system, established an office, and held study group once a week. Kishi was the virtual leader of this club. They carried out a nationwide campaign called the "National Defence Movement". Kishi also established an ultranationalist association, the "Bocho Sonjo Doshikai", in his hometown of Yamaguchi city. Author also investigates this group, and concludes that both Kishi and the Bocho Sonjo Doshikai were opposed to the end of war. The Gokoku Doshikai was based on one concept of national defence, a "productive Army", (seisan-gun), which aimed at strengthen the economic control. By unifying the munitions industries, Japan could use the materials more efficiently, in preparation for the decisive battle of the Japanese mainland through self-sufficiency. The Gokoku Doshikai was opposed to the Japanese government, because then Prime Minister Suzuki was aiming at ending the war, they denounced the government's policy vehemently; and when Suzuki decided to surrender, the Gokoku Doshikai and the Japanese army resisted. The author concludes that while Kishi contributed to the anti-Tojo movement, he was opposed to surrender. We can see the root of the Kishi's postwar faction in the "Gokoku Doshikai". After the war, two of its members entered the Kishi Cabinet, and five socialist members became the leaders of the Socialist Party. Here we see another point of continuity and discontinuity between prewar and postwar politics.
著者
東中野 多聞
出版者
東京大学
雑誌
特別研究員奨励費
巻号頁・発行日
2001

本年度の研究成果の一つとして、「昭和十八年九月三十日の御前会議-国策と戦争指導の相剋-(附)オーストラリア国立戦争記念館所蔵、草鹿任一日誌」(『東京大学日本史学研究室紀要』第8号2004年3月)が挙げられる。従来、昭和十八年九月三十日の御前会議で決定した絶対国防圏については、陸軍と海軍の対立で語られることが多かった。そこで、陸海軍内部の上下対立や、中央と現地軍との対立に注目し、絶対国防圏の設定が日本の国家戦略上どのような意味を持っていたのかを明らかにした。それは、軍事的にみれば、ラバウルに地上部隊を投入するのと同時に、ラバウルを放棄するという矛盾に満ちた非情な決定であった。後方の防備を固めるためには、ラバウルで出来るだけ長く「持久」する捨て石部隊が必要であった。一方、政治的にみれば、絶対国防圏の設定によって陸海軍内部に亀裂が生じ、その結果、陸海軍大臣の統帥部長就任と、海軍中堅層の海相更迭運動とが発生した。そして、両者は、東条内閣総辞職の原因となる。オーストラリア国立戦争記念館に所蔵されている南東方面艦隊司令長官兼第十一航空艦隊司令長官草鹿任一中将日誌の一部の活字化も行った。草鹿は、ラバウルを中心とするソロモン方面の海軍作戦の最高責任者であり、現地軍の史料としてきわめて貴重である。本資料は、連合軍が戦後、草鹿より没収したため、国立戦争記念館に残されている。太平洋戦争においては制空権が重要な意味を持ち、その点では小さな島々の持っていた価値はきわめて高かった。これらは、航空機の発進基地となったのである。太平洋戦争は、いわば、飛行場の争奪戦であったといえる。小さな島々の陥落は、軍事的にも政治的にも大きな衝撃を国内政治に与え、国内体制の崩壊速度を加速させていったのである。