著者

田仲 一成

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.3, pp.123-141, 2021 (Released:2021-07-08)

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In Chinese drama, there are few stories of revenge. But in Japanese kabuki, there are so many that, together with stories about domestic squabbles, they form a genre. This article examines the societal background giving rise to this difference. An incident of vengeance in Ming-period Zhejiang was soon turned into drama. First recorded as “Zouzhixian Xianghuji” 鄒知県湘湖記 (“An Account of What Happened in Xianghu concerning Governor Zou”), it appeared in the Ming-dynasty section of the Nanci xulu 南詞叙録 (A Description of Southern Drama) compiled by Xu Wei 徐渭 (1521–93). This “Xianghuji” has not survived intact. But three acts from the play selected for the Fengyue jinnang 風月錦嚢 (A Brocade Bag of Romantic Stories) survive in a 1553 edition of the latter preserved in the Escorial in Spain. (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

田仲一成

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, pp.333-380, 1992-03

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中國戯劇史上, 超度孤魂的釋道普度儀式可以看作“戯劇”(悲劇)的起源。 從宗敎史的角度來看,這種普度儀式是五代北宋以後纔成立的。 目前道藏裡含有一些兩宋間普度科儀書。 其中有古老的一種,叫做『黄籙九幽醮無碍夜齋次第』,宋闕名撰。 但此書所流傳的地域,仍未能知。 未能了解其社會背景。 不過,新加坡福州籍道士所擧行的中元普度科儀,其結構,科儀内容很相似於『黄籙九幽醮無碍夜齋次第』所述的情況。 本文依據此類似性,擬研討宗敎史、戯劇史上的若干問題。 如下:(1) 福州道士普度,其“地獄”之佈置,科儀書之字句等,到處可見與宋代『黄籙九幽醮』相同相似之處。由此可以推斷其承流於宋代黄籙九幽醮。 (2) 莆田僧侶普度,尤其是“破獄”系儀式,也可見有一些與『黄籙九幽醮』〈破獄〉類似之處。可以推想其受影響於宋代黄籙九幽醮。 (3) 福州普度科儀和莆田目連戯,開場淨棚時,無不有演出田都元帥咒或跳舞。田都元帥很可能是年輕英靈殤魂之一。英魂是宋代黄籙九幽醮最重視的。由此似乎可説,閩北田都元帥表演也會継承傳統於宋代黄籙九幽醮。 (4) 閩北目連戯是全國著名的。尤其是莆田仙游目連戯保留普度儀式中“目連破獄”科儀之面目。宗敎性很濃厚,還離不開宗敎儀式。福州道士普度科儀,雖然沒有“目連破獄”之表演,但在地獄佈置之中,掛出目連晝像,或目連見母的晝兒。可見也有目連破獄的觀念。由此可知,閩北目連戯是在宋代以來黄籙九幽醮之傳統之中,發展出來的。 目前目連戯劇本,除了明代鄭之珍本之外,有好幾種地方性劇本,如浙江、安徽、江西、湖南、福建等々名本。 其中,閩北莆田本保留着比較古老的因素。 有些學人認爲,莆田本屬於南宋古南戯本系統。 本文從宗教環境的角度來,提出閩北目連上戯的古老性。

著者

田仲 一成

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.3, pp.49, 2018 (Released:2018-05-14)

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This report is based on case studies of village religious-ceremony organization in the New Territories (formerly, Xin’an Prefecture), Hong Kong. Comparisons are drawn between similar groups in China and Japan. Focus is on the structure of large-scale religious ceremonies in the New Territories. Every five or ten years, eighty percent of the villages carry out ceremonies that can extend for a week. They are called ‘Great Peace Purification Sacrifices’ 太平清醮. Entire villages participate, groups of Daoist priests and troupes of actors are invited, and activities are performed day and night for anywhere from three days (and four nights) to six days (and seven nights). To console the spirits and gods, courtesies are extended, offerings presented, and plays performed on their behalf. A distinguishing feature of the ‘Great Peace Purification Sacrifice’ is the way that the names of all clan members are repeatedly read aloud, one by one. At the shortest of ceremonies (three days and four nights), the recitation can be repeated a halfdozen times or more. The sequence is as follows: ‘First Submission to the Gods’: For the first day, during the third lunar month, certain formalities are carried out in preparation for the ceremonies proper. Facing away from the village temple and directing themselves to the gods above, Daoist priests read aloud the names of clan members from the entire village, calling out the names that have been recorded for submission: heads of households, their wives and concubines, unmarried brothers and sisters, married sons, daughters-in-law, unmarried children, grandsons and their wives, unmarried grandsons, granddaughters, great grandsons and their wives, and so on. But women’s first names are neither recorded nor read aloud. As there are cases of more than two hundred names, and since the calling out of the names can be lengthy, the task of reading aloud is divided among the priests. ‘Second Submission’: On the second preparatory day, in the middle of the eighth lunar month, the same formalities are carried out. ‘Third Submission’: The beginning of the tenth lunar month marks the first day of the ceremonies proper. Prior to the performance of sacrifices, clan names are read aloud before the temple a third time, again by multiple priests. ‘Opening Announcement’: Over the beginning of the same month, the list of village members is posted on the public-square bulletin board. Inscribed in black calligraphy on large red paper, it can be as wide as six feet. Daoist priests again divide up the task of reading aloud the names. ‘Inviting the Gods’: On a night during the first ten days of the month, after they invite the highest gods from heaven, one of the Daoist priests reads aloud the roster of villager names. ‘Begging Pardon’: On the last day of the religious ceremony, again during the first third of the tenth lunar month, a Daoist priest reads aloud the list of villager names inscribed in vermilion ink on yellow paper three-feet wide. The document reports to heaven that villagers, having unintentionally committed sins, beg the gods’ pardon. In addition, the head-worshipper of the village often carries the community roster and accompanies the Daoist priests while the latter perform prayer ceremonies and make a ‘circuit’ to pay respects to the gods. Although villagers do not read aloud names on the roster, they always have clearly in mind that everyone in the village is participating. (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

田仲 一成

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.1, pp.1-29, 2011

著者

田仲 一成

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, pp.129-440, 1977-03

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In the previous two chapters (II & III), the author came to the conclusion that the scripts of local dramas had been differentiated into three kinds;(1) the classical type of scripts with naive expressions to be used for the performance of village community plays,(2) the new type of scripts with elegant expressions for landlord's clan plays, and (3) vulgar scripts with licentious and rebellious expressions for market plays. Under these circumstances, it would be natural to suppose that from one basic text there had come out variations of popular drama used for the performance of all kinds of plays. Sufficient clues to resolve this problem can be found in the critical notes of P‘an-k‘e-shih-jen 槃〓碩人 on P‘i-p‘a chi 琵琶記 and Hsi-hsiang chi 西廂記, in which the reviser described the differences in words and phrases as regional variants, such as Texts of Metropolitan Drama 京本, Min Drama 〓本, Hui Drama 徽本, Wu Drama 呉本, etc. These notes lead us to take note that regional variations corresponded with each of the abovementioned kinds of scripts according to the basis of social class. Thus, in the supplementary part of Chapter IV, the author makes a careful analysis of the variants of both P‘i-p‘a chi and Hsi-hsiang chi texts to examine the relation between regional and social divisions among local dramas. (1) The first group of texts with naive and unrefined expressions are identified with Wu Drama Texts (or Old Drama Texts 旧本). Their words and phrases might have originated from immature performances at the she-miao 社廟 plays, and thus they can be regarded as the scripts for village community plays. (2) The second group of texts, which corresponded with Min Drama Texts, would be used mainly for clan plays in landowners'residences, for crude and simple expressions of Wu Drama Texts were generally revised into elegant and noble ones in Min Drama Texts. But there were still found some unrefined words well suited for village community plays. Therefore we presume that this group were formed in the transitional stage of the development from village community plays to landlord's clan plays. (3) The third group of texts, which corresponded with Metropolitan Drama Texts, must be regarded as an ideal script for the performance of the clan plays of the landowner class. In these texts whole vulgar words were perfectly deleted or revised into the most elegant ones, which were used to flatter the establishment. We may say that this group were the final achievement in the process of revision on the side of landlord class. (4) The fourth group of texts having common expressions with Hui Drama Texts can be considered as market play scripts to be performed for peasants and merchants, because the most licentious and rebellious expressions were found in these texts, especially in parts of inserted speeches. So it may be said that this group was the achievement of the poor and lower classes. Generally speaking, the elegant scripts of landlord clan plays were written by the intellectuals in such urban places as Nan-king 南京, while the vulgar scripts had been developed at the hands of anonymous writers for the poor and lower classes in rural market places of Min and An-hui Provinces. From the viewpoint of the history of Chinese local drama, Hui Drama Texts would be estimated as the most important script among all groups. We can say from the analysis of words and phrases that the group of I-yang ch‘iang 弋陽腔 Texts came out from Hui Drama Texts and then were succeeded by Gao ch‘iang 高腔 Drama, which is one of the most popular local dramas in modern times. In the concluding chapter of this article, the auther will deal with the problem of what class of people made the An-hui-I-yang dramas popular throughout almost all the country in the Ming and Ch‘ing periods.

著者

田仲 一成

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.3, 2018

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This report is based on case studies of village religious-ceremony organization in the New Territories (formerly, Xin'an Prefecture), Hong Kong. Comparisons are drawn between similar groups in China and Japan.<br> Focus is on the structure of large-scale religious ceremonies in the New Territories. Every five or ten years, eighty percent of the villages carry out ceremonies that can extend for a week. They are called 'Great Peace Purification Sacrifices' 太平清醮. Entire villages participate, groups of Daoist priests and troupes of actors are invited, and activities are performed day and night for anywhere from three days (and four nights) to six days (and seven nights). To console the spirits and gods, courtesies are extended, offerings presented, and plays performed on their behalf. <br> A distinguishing feature of the 'Great Peace Purification Sacrifice' is the way that the names of all clan members are repeatedly read aloud, one by one. At the shortest of ceremonies (three days and four nights), the recitation can be repeated a halfdozen times or more.<br> The sequence is as follows:<br> 'First Submission to the Gods': For the first day, during the third lunar month, certain formalities are carried out in preparation for the ceremonies proper. Facing away from the village temple and directing themselves to the gods above, Daoist priests read aloud the names of clan members from the entire village, calling out the names that have been recorded for submission: heads of households, their wives and concubines, unmarried brothers and sisters, married sons, daughters-in-law, unmarried children, grandsons and their wives, unmarried grandsons, granddaughters, great grandsons and their wives, and so on. But women's first names are neither recorded nor read aloud. As there are cases of more than two hundred names, and since the calling out of the names can be lengthy, the task of reading aloud is divided among the priests.<br> 'Second Submission': On the second preparatory day, in the middle of the eighth lunar month, the same formalities are carried out.<br> 'Third Submission': The beginning of the tenth lunar month marks the first day of the ceremonies proper. Prior to the performance of sacrifices, clan names are read aloud before the temple a third time, again by multiple priests.<br> 'Opening Announcement': Over the beginning of the same month, the list of village members is posted on the public-square bulletin board. Inscribed in black calligraphy on large red paper, it can be as wide as six feet. Daoist priests again divide up the task of reading aloud the names.<br> 'Inviting the Gods': On a night during the first ten days of the month, after they invite the highest gods from heaven, one of the Daoist priests reads aloud the roster of villager names.<br> 'Begging Pardon': On the last day of the religious ceremony, again during the first third of the tenth lunar month, a Daoist priest reads aloud the list of villager names inscribed in vermilion ink on yellow paper three-feet wide. The document reports to heaven that villagers, having unintentionally committed sins, beg the gods' pardon.<br> In addition, the head-worshipper of the village often carries the community roster and accompanies the Daoist priests while the latter perform prayer ceremonies and make a 'circuit' to pay respects to the gods. Although villagers do not read aloud names on the roster, they always have clearly in mind that everyone in the village is participating.<br>(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

田仲 一成

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, pp.129-440, 1977-03

---

In the previous two chapters (II & III), the author came to the conclusion that the scripts of local dramas had been differentiated into three kinds;(1) the classical type of scripts with naive expressions to be used for the performance of village community plays,(2) the new type of scripts with elegant expressions for landlord's clan plays, and (3) vulgar scripts with licentious and rebellious expressions for market plays. Under these circumstances, it would be natural to suppose that from one basic text there had come out variations of popular drama used for the performance of all kinds of plays. Sufficient clues to resolve this problem can be found in the critical notes of P‘an-k‘e-shih-jen 槃〓碩人 on P‘i-p‘a chi 琵琶記 and Hsi-hsiang chi 西廂記, in which the reviser described the differences in words and phrases as regional variants, such as Texts of Metropolitan Drama 京本, Min Drama 〓本, Hui Drama 徽本, Wu Drama 呉本, etc. These notes lead us to take note that regional variations corresponded with each of the abovementioned kinds of scripts according to the basis of social class. Thus, in the supplementary part of Chapter IV, the author makes a careful analysis of the variants of both P‘i-p‘a chi and Hsi-hsiang chi texts to examine the relation between regional and social divisions among local dramas. (1) The first group of texts with naive and unrefined expressions are identified with Wu Drama Texts (or Old Drama Texts 旧本). Their words and phrases might have originated from immature performances at the she-miao 社廟 plays, and thus they can be regarded as the scripts for village community plays. (2) The second group of texts, which corresponded with Min Drama Texts, would be used mainly for clan plays in landowners'residences, for crude and simple expressions of Wu Drama Texts were generally revised into elegant and noble ones in Min Drama Texts. But there were still found some unrefined words well suited for village community plays. Therefore we presume that this group were formed in the transitional stage of the development from village community plays to landlord's clan plays. (3) The third group of texts, which corresponded with Metropolitan Drama Texts, must be regarded as an ideal script for the performance of the clan plays of the landowner class. In these texts whole vulgar words were perfectly deleted or revised into the most elegant ones, which were used to flatter the establishment. We may say that this group were the final achievement in the process of revision on the side of landlord class. (4) The fourth group of texts having common expressions with Hui Drama Texts can be considered as market play scripts to be performed for peasants and merchants, because the most licentious and rebellious expressions were found in these texts, especially in parts of inserted speeches. So it may be said that this group was the achievement of the poor and lower classes. Generally speaking, the elegant scripts of landlord clan plays were written by the intellectuals in such urban places as Nan-king 南京, while the vulgar scripts had been developed at the hands of anonymous writers for the poor and lower classes in rural market places of Min and An-hui Provinces. From the viewpoint of the history of Chinese local drama, Hui Drama Texts would be estimated as the most important script among all groups. We can say from the analysis of words and phrases that the group of I-yang ch‘iang 弋陽腔 Texts came out from Hui Drama Texts and then were succeeded by Gao ch‘iang 高腔 Drama, which is one of the most popular local dramas in modern times. In the concluding chapter of this article, the auther will deal with the problem of what class of people made the An-hui-I-yang dramas popular throughout almost all the country in the Ming and Ch‘ing periods.

著者

田仲 一成

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, pp.1-40, 1989-02

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本稿以浙東蕭山県長河鎮的郷族来氏為例,研討浙東宗族的祠産形成以及其組織的統合過程。 民国十一年蕭山来氏会宗堂刊『蕭山来氏家譜』中載有〈交盤冊〉,這祠産簿裡載了康煕二十三年至嘉慶七年毎年的開支数目。 由此可看這一百二十年之間的該族祠産形成過程。 各支出項目変遷之特徴如下: (一) 公課的変遷 公課為経常應該負担之項目,但在這一百二十年之間,雖然田土増加,公課却並没有増加。 来氏做為官僚地主,其公課負担対象似乎被固定在一定面積上。 (二) 祭祀費的変遷 這一百二十年之間,祭祀費緩々地有増加之勢,尤其是在雍正初,乾隆三十年及乾隆五十年有増加情形,這主要是拡大墳祭之故。 祭祀費本身属於少額支出,在支出総額中僅佔一五%,而且無急増之情形。 但是従乾隆後期起,却有拡大的傾向。 (三) 族政費之変遷 所謂族政費是指科挙費和賑給費而言的。 這些費用則為直接或間接改善全族政治環境和提高全族政治地位的政策費。 該項費用,属於商額支出,佔総支出的三五%,就整体来看,乾隆十年以後的増加傾向最爲顕著,這反映了該時期来氏一族爲於組織統一努力的。 (四) 祠産費之変遷 祠産費是置田費,修祠費,修墳費,修譜費等。 由於固定資産的投資有一次巨額支出的性格,因此数字的推移便顕得不規則,不連続。 但就大致情勢来看,亦従乾隆十年起有総額増加的情況,這反映了該時期該族為組織強化做了很大的努力(佔総支出的四〇%) 如此,祭祀費,族政費,祠産費等都在乾隆十~二十年之間,有顕著的上昇,由此可推定来姓在該時期開始致力同族組織之統一与分支之統合。 另外,来氏輩行字之分裂与統一的過程也符合於上述的祠産変遷。 来氏明末清初,各支的輩行字比較少,呈統一的局面。 但到了清代前半期以後,却一時呈現出輩行字分裂的現象,清代中期更加激化,然而到清代後期,漸々出現再統一的跡象。 以後,統合輩行字的趨勢加強,到了民国初年,纔実現了輩行字的統一。 上述来氏自乾隆末以来拡大祭祀,傾力於修祠、修墳、修譜,可以看作一百年以後樹立輩行字統一体制之基礎。 総之,浙東宗族通過自己組織統合而成為地方社会的支配者,則是清代中期以後的事。 乾隆末年至嘉慶道光年間,江南宗族編纂族譜特別盛行而宗祠戯劇迅速発展,此似乎反映這様的社会背景。

著者

田仲 一成

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, pp.1-170, 1990-02

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道光咸豊年間,天地会的分支添弟会・双刀会・三合会等々在広東東部各県々各郷裡展開了很活溌的活動。 天地会諸派会党直義失敗之後,部分残余分子跑到南洋等待東山再起,所以其遺跡遺風不但在香港(旧新安県城内)可以看見,而且遠在南洋僻地(新加坡,馬来西亜等)也可以找到。 本文依靠這些海外遺跡,研討当時天地会会党的組織和虚劇之間的関係。 其主要的論点如下; (1)在新加坡峨嶆有一座社会廟(五虎祠),廟裡奉祀八十多年反清復明義士的神主牌。 新加坡華人史専家陳氏育崧,先認為他們跟咸豊四年厦門起義的小刀会有関,以後改説而認為他們与道光初年為英人開路而登陸新加坡的四邑人曹亜珠有関。 一九八二年,筆者訪問此廟,請廟祝黄氏打開這些神主牌,発現他們差不多都是嘉慶同治間的潮籍人士(海陽県人最多,澄海県人次之)。 他們可能是道光中潮陽双刀会会党或咸豊初海陽呉忠恕会党。 (2)在南洋・香港,有些華人集団挙行各種祭祀時,多用“天運”年号。 這年号是乾隆以来天地会会党所用的。 上述新加坡社公廟反清復明義士的神主牌裡,生卒年号也用此天運年号来表示。 所以在此也可見“天地会”的遺風。 一般来説,南洋闽北系集団不用此年号,而闽南系集団特別愛用這年号。 広東系集団裡,内陸部大宗族単姓村落不用此年号,相反,沿海部小宗族雑居的市鎮或漁村常用此年号。 由此可見,天地会基本上立足於市鎮或沿海漁村小民雑居地区。 (3)香港新界農村裡,清初以来従嘉応・恵両州遷入進後的客家人形成了很多小村落。 這一類客家人小村裡的小廟,掛着一些与天地会文件有関的対联。 客家人跟潮州人・恵州人有密接的関係。 由此推測,粤東天地会立足於客家或潮州小民集団。 新加坡社公廟義士有可能属於此一類系統。 (4)広東天地会会党含有粤劇本地班戯人。 他們的戯船叫做“紅船”,這“紅”字有“洪”的涵意。 而且“紅船”由天艇和地艇結成一双,具有“天地”之涵意。 另外,天地会会党結拝入会時,無不表演戯劇。 其題目之一有“安邦定国志”。 在此故事的弾詞唱本之中,主人翁趙少卿是唐末懿宗・昭宗時代的丞相。 其子七人的名字都以“洪”字来排列。 昭宗似乎暗示明末崇禎帝,“洪”字似乎影射“洪門”。 潮州戯也有此題目(但内容不大符合弾詞),這也使人猜測天地会和潮人之間的内在関係。 如此,清末粤東天地会的伝統,其一部份仍然残留在海外潮人・客家人社会裡。 尤其是潮劇或粤劇含有天地会会党的故事,這是値得注意的。

著者

田仲 一成 WU Zhen

出版者

財団法人東洋文庫

雑誌

特別研究員奨励費

巻号頁・発行日

2009

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日本の祭祀芸能を中国との対比において研究することを目的とし、先に提出した実施計画に基づいて、重要な調査地点を順次に訪問し、フィールドワークを実施した。まず2011年5月、(1)高知県吉良川町の御田祭り、次に同年5月から6月にかけて、(2)岐阜県能郷の猿楽、(3)同高山市の春季祭礼、(4)奈良法隆寺の10年1度の聖霊会(行道行列)、(5)奈良春日大社の「呪師走りの翁」(6)大阪住吉大社の御田植神事などを、連続して調査記録した。また、2012年9月には、(7)奈良市豆比古神社の古式翁舞、(8)京都市宇治田原町の三社宮座神事を,同11月には、(9)愛知県東栄町小林の花祭りを調査した。これにより、日本の古代祭祀、中世祭祀、近世祭祀について、広く考察することができた。具体的に言えば、まず古代祭祀については、(4)法隆寺の聖霊会により、古代に大陸から日本に渡来した伎楽系の仮面の実態を考察し、さらに(5)翁芸の源流とみなされている法呪師による「呪師走りの翁」を考察して、日本芸能の基礎となる部分の理解を深めた。次に中世芸能については、(2)能の原始形態を伝える岐阜県能郷の猿楽、(1)夢幻能の初期形態を示す吉良川の小林の幽霊、(7)翁の中世的発展を示す奈良豆比古神社の3人翁舞、さらに(8)中世宮座の原初形態を示す宇治田原町の神事などを考察できた。さらに近世祭祀としては、岐阜高山市の操り人形の精巧な演出を考察し、近世町衆の祭祀芸能の典型を考察できた。これにより、2009年11月に研究を開始して以来、古代祭祀、中世祭祀、近世祭祀のすべてにわたり、展望を得た。今後は、これを踏まえて、(1)古代祭祀における大陸芸能の影響、(2)中世祭祀における宮座組織と中国の宗族組織との異同比較、(3)近世祭祀における市民社会の成熟度の目中比較などの課題にとりくみたい。また、日中両国語による報告書の刊行を計画している。