出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.4, pp.73, 1938

著者

角田 一郎

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1993, no.57, pp.99-100, 1993-08-31 (Released:2010-02-25)

著者

田中 正平

出版者

社団法人 東洋音楽学会

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, no.3, pp.179-188, 1941-01-31 (Released:2010-11-30)

著者

李 恵求

出版者

社団法人 東洋音楽学会

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1965, no.18, pp.235-242, 1965-08-20 (Released:2010-11-30)

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筆者は「韓国に於ける左方楽と右方楽」 (註1) の中で、次のように納曾利に言及した。日本の右方舞の一である納曾利 (ナソリ) は (左方舞) 蘭陵王の番舞であり、又その蘭陵王は前記崔致遠の郷楽雑詠五首中「手抱珠鞭役鬼神 (即ち鞭で鬼神を追払う) 大面に相応するため、納曾利も (蘭陵王) と同じく、追儺に使用されたと解せられ、 (従って) その「 ナソリ」は韓国語の「 ナ」 (灘の義) 、「 ソリ」 (歌の義) の音読と考えられる。このように考えた筆者が、去る二月、アメリカのU ・C・L ・Aで、偶然、東儀季信氏指導の下に納曾利の舞の稽古が行われたのを見た時、この右方舞についてますます関心を持った。すなわち筆者が見た納曾利はいったい何を表現するか? その舞は何を意味するか? について考えさせられた。以下、この問題について私見を述べたいと思う。

著者

柘植 元一

出版者

東洋音楽学会 ; [1936]-

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 = Journal of the Society for Research in Asiatic Music (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

no.81, pp.77-90, 2015

著者

郡司 すみ

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

no.68, pp.82-85, 2003

著者

田邊 尚雄

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1936, no.1, pp.3-25, 1936

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本稿は私が嘗て都山流尺八師匠の研究資科の爲めに、金澤市の大師範藤井隆山氏が編輯發行せる『都山流尺八教授資料』の第四號乃至第八號に流載したものを墓とし、之を補訂、抜萃して纒めたものである。

著者

柘植 元一

出版者

東洋音楽学会 ; [1936]-

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 = Journal of the Society for Research in Asiatic Music (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

no.79, pp.61-85, 2013

著者

新堀 歓乃

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2008, no.73, pp.63-75, 2008-08-31 (Released:2012-09-05)

参考文献数

10

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ご詠歌は日本に伝わる宗教音楽のひとつであり、主に在家の仏教信者が四国遍路などの巡礼や葬式などの儀礼でご詠歌をうたうほか、稽古事としてもこれを伝習している。本稿は、現在に伝わるご詠歌諸流派の基礎を形作った大和流を対象に、その成立過程を明らかにする. 大和流は一九二一年、山崎千久松によって創始された。千久松はご詠歌の基本となる節を十一に整理し、ご詠歌の普及と仏教信者の教化を図って大和流の伝承団体「大和講」を設立した。大和講はその長である講主と、講主の下でご詠歌を伝承する多くの講員から成るが、千久松は自らが講主となってご詠歌の指導に当たり講員を増やしていった。こうして大和講が成立すると、ご詠歌の伝承が大きく変容した。第一に、大和講はご詠歌の歌詞と節を記した歌集を全国発売して伝承の統一を図った。第二に、ご詠歌の歌い手が検定試験に合格すると階級が取得できるという制度を置いて、日本の諸芸能に見られるような家元制度と同様の伝承組織を形成した。第三に、詠唱技術を競う全国規模のコンクールを開催するようになった。こうして大和講は、中央の本部が全国各地の支部を統括するという一大組織を築くことができた。大和講が全国に広く普及することができた要因として最も重要と思われるのが、家元制度と同様の伝承組織を形成したことである。大和講では、一定の階級を取得した者が講主に代わってご詠歌を指導するため、講主自身が直接伝授に当たることなく多くの弟子を抱えることができる。これは家元制度に特徴的なもので、大和講ではこうした制度を備えたために伝承者を増やして一大組織を築くことができたと考えられる。

著者

新堀 歓乃

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2006, no.71, pp.1-20, 2006-08-31 (Released:2010-09-14)

参考文献数

25

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ご詠歌とは仏教的内容を持つ詞に節を付けた歌謡で、巡礼や葬式など様々な仏教儀礼でうたわれる。ご詠歌の詠唱はうたい手が自らの信仰を表現する手段のひとつであり、その信仰は不変のものとみなされるため、ご詠歌の詞や節を個人の趣向で勝手に変えることは許されず、常にひとつの「正しい」詠唱法が求められる。しかし、この「正しい」詠唱法を伝えるはずの楽譜は幾度も書き替えられ、また、実際の詠唱や口伝内容も時代とともに変容してきている。では、なぜ楽譜と口頭伝承を変容させてしまうことが、ご詠歌を「正しく」伝承することであるとみなされ得るのか。この問いに答えるべく、本稿では密厳流のご詠歌を例に挙げて、楽譜と口頭伝承が変容する過程を分析した結果、その変容のしくみを以下のように説明できた。ご詠歌は、伝授者である師範から被伝授者である在家の一般信者へと規範が提示されることによって伝承される。その規範とは師範が「正しい」と認識している詠唱法であり、これが楽譜と口頭伝承を通じて伝えられる。そのとき、師範は正確な伝承を達成しようとする一方、自己の個性を表現しようとするため、師範各々の詠唱間にはしばしば相違が生じ、それゆえ、ご詠歌の伝承にはある種の不完全さが伴う。たいていの場合、師範はこの不完全さを「詠唱の幅」と呼び、豊かな音楽性として評価する。しかし、ご詠歌を「正しく」伝承しようとする意識から、師範たちが伝承の不完全な部分を「正しくない」「規範に反する」と判断した場合、師範同士で会議を開いてご詠歌の「正しさ」をめぐって議論し、規範を再構築する。そして、新たな規範と従来の楽譜や口頭伝承との間に齟齬が生じた場合には、新たな規範に従って楽譜と口頭伝承を変更する。それゆえ、楽譜と口頭伝承を変容させることが、ご詠歌を「正しく」伝承することであるとみなされ得るのである。

著者

島津 正

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

no.60, pp.52-60,L4, 1995

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A firmly established theory of the history of the Satsuma-biwa up through the Edo period already exists. And there has been no debate or discussion concerning this theory since its original formation. This is because no new information has been uncovered about the Satsuma-biwa in this period. In 1990 I found the invaluable document, "Satsuma-biwa Songs (<i>Satsuma-biwa-uta</i>)" in the collection of the Seikado Library in Setagaya, Tokyo, and also found a few materials in the Kagoshima Prefectural Library. UEDA Keiji's "Origins of the Satsuma-biwa (<i>Satsuma-biwa engen-roku</i>, 1912)" and a manuscript entitled "Historical Record of the Satsuma-biwa and its Spiritual Characteristics (<i>Satsuma-biwa no enkaku to sono seishinteki honryo</i>) by the Meiji era biwa player, NISHI Kokichi, are works that document what authors who lived in the Meiji era actually saw and heard, and for this reason I believe them to be reliable.<br>This paper introduces aspects of the history of the Satsuma-biwa in the Edo period based on the materials described above. I welcome any criticism or suggestions about it. In particular, it makes clear the following points, <br>1. The famed military general of the warring states era (<i>Sengoku-jidai</i>), SHIMAZU Yoshihiro, was deeply involved in the development of the Satsuma-biwa.<br>2. The prototype of the Satsuma-biwa was established in the late 16th century, Yoshihiro's time, and it is believed that Yoshihiro can be viewed as the founder of the Satsuma-biwa.<br>3. In its beginnings, Satsuma-biwa was practiced by people of the samurai class and the blind, but gradually, a <i>joruri</i> ('narrative')-like singing style was adapted, giving it an entertainment-music feeling, which discouraged the samurai class from singing, so they came to enjoy the biwa as instrumental music. Satsuma-biwa came to be called "<i>zato-uta</i> (lit. 'blind mistrel songs')", and became the professional monopoly of the blind.<br>4. There were some revolutionary improvements made in the "instrumental music biwa" of the samurai around the latter half of the 18th century.<br>5. Around the beginning of the 19th century, samurai players started singing the songs again and biwa performance by the merchant class came to be allowed as well. Three biwa styles—"Zato style", "Samurai style", and "Merchant style"—competed for popularity with each other in the mid-19th century.<br>6. IKEDA Jinbei and TOKUDA Zenbei (also known as Zenjiro) are two known biwa players of the Edo period, and more detail about their personal histories has come to light. Another biwa player, HIGASHI Gensho, lived during the same age as Jinbei.

著者

左 継承

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1993, no.56, pp.29-48,L5, 1993-08-31 (Released:2010-02-25)

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A wrong theory has been spread for the origin of HICHIRIKI-fu ever since the late 17th century up to now in Japan. On the other hand, various theories have been made in China for the origin of FU-JI (notes) of KOSHAKU-fu, which is still a mystery. The present study aims at correcting the former thoery as well as giving an explicit explanation for the latter.The present paper consists of two chapters. Chapter 1 compares “Nakahara rosei sho ⌈_??__??__??__??__??_⌋”, the Japanese old HICHRIKI score and the noting of KOSHAKU-fu, and shows that they share the following characteristics:-the number of notes (FU-ji)-the shape of the rhythm-indicating black dots and the white circles-vertical noting in two lines-prcsence of similar black dots between linesChapter 2 introduces a new theory for the origin of these notes.“GAKKAROKU ⌈_??__??__??_⌋” says HICHIRIKI SHIKO-fu originates from the Chinese HICHIRIKI-fu (KOSHAKU-fu). A comparison of the notes in HICHIRIKI SHIKO-fu and those in “JINCHIYOROKU ⌈_??__??__??__??_⌋”, “KYOKUNSHO ⌈_??__??__??_⌋”, and a careful examination of notes on the pipes of old sho and u in SHOSOIN, “TENPYO BIWA-fu ⌈_??__??__??__??__??_⌋”, “GOGEN BIWA-fu ⌈_??__??__??__??__??_⌋” “TONKO BIWA-fu ⌈_??__??__??__??__??_⌋”, and “HAKUGATEKI-fu ⌈_??__??__??__??_⌋” showed similarity between the notes of HICHIRIKI SHIKO-fu and those of the Tang music scores mentioned above. Thus, HICHIRIKI SIKO-fu does not derive from the note of KOSHAKU-fu, but those of traditional Tang HICHIRIKI SHIKO-fu, It is apparent that the theory given by Suehisa Abe is wrong by these examples.On the other hand, there has been some theories on the origin of the notes (FU-JI) in KOSHAKU-fu; the one in “Chugoku ongakushiron-jutsuko ⌈_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_⌋”, the other found in “Chugoku ongaku shiten ⌈_??__??__??__??__??__??_⌋” and “Chugoku daihyakka zensho ⌈_??__??__??__??__??__??__??_⌋”, which says KOSHAKU-fu is completed in Ming-Shing era, but it originates back to TOJINDAIKYOKU-fu through ZOKUJI-fu in the Southern Song. This paper gives a new theory, in which the notes (FU-JI) in KOSHAKU-fu is based on HICHIRIKI-fu. The following are the evidene:1. The number of the notes are the same in these two scores.2. The shape of the 5 notes out of 10 is common to both.3. They both had 10 notes in the beginning, but the both reduced to 9 in modern period.4. Many notes share the same pitch in the both scores.It is assumed that the notes in KOSHAKU-fu were formed at the end of Tang period, since GODAI poems suggested its origin, and also its description appears for the first time in the Northern Song period.

著者

永原 惠三

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1995, no.60, pp.108-111, 1995-08-31 (Released:2010-02-25)

著者

高瀬 澄子

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

no.68, pp.27-38,L21, 2003

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This paper aims to investigate and report on the current state of source materials for the <i>Gakusho Yoroku</i> (the Japnese reading of the chinese <i>Yue shu yao lu</i>, or "Selectios from Musical Books" in English). This important research hasn't been attempted for some 60 years.<br><i>Gakusho Yoroku</i>, a music theory book in ten volumes, was compiled by scholars on the order of Wu Zetian (ca. 624-705), the only Empress of Tang dynasty in China. Its influence on many theoretical writings on Gagaku and Shomyo (Japanese court and religious music) has rendered the <i>Gakusho Yoroku</i> important not only in China but also in Japan. Kibino Makibi, one of the Japanese students sent to Tang by the Japanese government, brought it from China to Japan in 735 (Tenpyo 7). As it passed through the generations several volumes were lost to memory. Today only three volumes survive in Japan, while all Chinese volumes have been lost. The surviving volumes are the 5th, the 6th and the 7th. In addition to these, a few quotations from the lost volumes are found in Japanese writings on Gagaku and Shomyo.<br>Hazuka Keimei, a Japanese scholar, wrote the papers entitled "<i>Gakusho Yoroku</i> Kaisetsu (Commentary on <i>Gakusho Yoroku</i>)" and "Koi <i>Gakusho Yoroku</i> (Editing <i>Gakusho Yoroku</i>)" in 1940-42. In his papers he edited the critical text of this literature through checking various texts in the six manuscripts and the four printed source materials he obtained. I have tried to search for and identify his sources and succeeded in locating three of the manuscripts and the printed sources. I also found two manuscript sources that he did not see. In addition, ten facsimiles of the printed sources have since become available.<br>There are five manuscript sources. Three were copied post-1700s in Edo Japan, but we don't know when the remaining two were copied. MS1 (Manuscript source 1) is in the possession of the Rare Books and Old Materials Room in the National Diet Library. It is the only scroll of all manuscripts. Hazuka K. used it as his standard reference. By whom or when it was copied is unknown. MS2 belongs to Kyoto University Library. It appears in a series of musical documents on the Hayashi family, the musicians of Shitennoji Temple. Oka Masana, a musician of Shitennoji Temple, copied it in 1706 (Hoei 3). MS3 belongs to the National Theater Library. Tanabe Hisao, a scholar of Japanese and Asian music, recopied it in 1910 (Meiji 43) based on Dr. Nakamura Seiji's manuscript that was copied in 1742 (Kanpo 2). After Tanabe died, his son gave it to the library. MS4 belongs to the Kano collection in Tohoku University Library. An unidentified person recopied it based on the manuscript copied by Oka Masana in 1700 (Genroku 13), owned by Hayashi Koyu* and his descendants, musicians of the Shitennoji Temple. MS5 belongs to the Saionji collection in Ritsumeikan University Library. The former owner of the books of this collection is Saionji Kinmochi, a member of a famous family of biwa performers (a kind of lute). It contains only the 6th volume. Like MS1 it is anonymous and lacks a date.<br>There are three editions of the printed sources. The first edition is the Itsuzon (or Isson) Sosho edition by Hayashi Jussai in 1799 (Kansei 11). Hayashi Jussai, a Japanese scholar the Edo government, published a series of lost Chinese books surviving in Japan, naming it Itsuzon Sosho. The second is the Seikakuro* Sosho edition (in Japanese pronunciation). Li Hanzhang published this edition in 1881 (Guangxu 7) based on Hayashi's Itsuzon Sosho edition (published in China). This second edition is a variant of the first. The third is another Itsuzon Sosho edition by You Bingkui and his relatives in 1882 (Guangxu 8). Their text differs considerably from the original Itsuzon Sosho edition as they tried to revise Hayashi's text, changing several words and phrases. In conclusion, it is obvious that the first and original e

著者

早稲田 みな子

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

no.66, pp.37-54,L5, 2001

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Japanese immigrants began to develop their ethnic community in southern California during the 1910s. Since then, those immigrants and their descendents have transmitted various genres of Japanese performing arts within their community. As in Japan, the transmission of Japanese arts in southern California has been greatly dependant on the <i>iemoto</i> system—a hierarchical structure of teachers and students organized under the <i>iemoto</i> (the headmaster of a school of an art), as well as the system of transmitting and maintaining the arts within that structure. However, detached from Japanese sociocultural contexts and transplanted into southern California, the <i>iemoto</i> system could not remain as it is in Japan, and this transformation of the <i>iemoto</i> system has led to the changes in Japanese musical practices in southern California.<br>The three main factors that transformed the <i>iemoto</i> system in southern California are: 1) the shift of the students of Japanese musical arts from Issei (the first generation; immigrants from Japan) and Nisei (the second generation; American-born children of the Issei) to Sansei (the third generation; American-born children of the Nisei) and younger generations, who are more Americanized in their language, moral values, and mentality, 2) the American socio-cultural environment, which is different from that in Japan, and 3) the teachers' own recognition of the negative aspects of the <i>iemoto</i> system. These factors have led to the undermining of the following four ideological principles of the <i>iemoto</i> system: 1) disciples' loyal obligations, 2) the absolute value of the authoritative ranks, 3) a teacher-student relationship that emphasizes hierarchical distinction, and 4) a teaching method that emphasizes imitation. The undermining of these principles has, in turn, produced various distinctive features of Japanese musical arts in southern California, which include the weakening of a sense of belonging to one's teacher and school; development of non-traditional repertoire and techniques; concert style student performances that reduce students' financial burden and appeal to public; emphasis on musical ability rather than ranks; a democratic, "contract-based" teacher-student relationship; and use of alternative teaching methods.<br>In spite of these changes, the <i>iemoto</i> system continues to function in southern California, as the teachers keep their ties with their <i>iemoto</i> system in Japan. In a sense, teachers in southern California have dual approaches to the <i>iemoto</i> system: while they accommodate their specific environment and pursue their own policies in America, they continue to respect and maintain the <i>iemoto</i> system in their relation to Japan. There are three main reasons that teachers in southern California maintain their involvement in the <i>iemoto</i> system: 1) they need to belong to a particular <i>iemoto</i> system so that their disciples can acquire the <i>natori</i>-licenses (teaching degrees), which are granted only by the <i>iemoto</i>; 2) since teachers in southern California are mostly those originally trained within the traditional <i>iemoto</i> system in Japan, they understand the system, and thus, tend to maintain an active sense of belonging and obligation to the <i>iemoto</i>, and 3) their membership in a particular <i>iemoto</i> system ensures their access to Japanese musical resources—music scores and musicians—derived from that school. Thus, the <i>iemoto</i> system functions as an important tie that connects the teachers in southern California with Japan, and this connection plays an important role in their activities in America.<br>This study of the <i>iemoto</i> system in southern California suggests the following three points: 1) the <i>iemoto</i> system is subject to transformation once it is detached form the Japanese socio-cultural environment and mentality that

著者

植村 幸生

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

no.54, pp.47-90,L6, 1989

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1. Introduction<br>This paper examines the current situation of shamanistic ritual and musical practices and their socio-cultural characteristics at <i>Chosen-dera</i> (lit. 'Korean temples'), a temple complex located at the foot of Mt. Ikoma between Osaka and Nara Prefecture, where shamanistic as well as Buddhist rites of Korean tradition are performed.<br>2. Outline of <i>Chosen-dera</i><br>(1) The dense complex of temples called <i>Chosen-dera</i> at Ikoma is closely related to the Korean ethnic community at Ikaino, in the eastern part of Osaka City. This community resulted from a rush of immigration from Cheju Island during the 1920's and 1930's.<br>(2) Priests and shamans in <i>Chosen-dera</i> are generally called <i>sunim</i> ('Buddhist priest') or <i>posal</i> ('Bodhisattva'), terms which apply to both males and females. However, they are divided into three types according to the nature of their religious practices: shamans of traditional <i>mudang</i> style; Buddhist priests of Korean orthodox style; and those who practice a syncretic style of Buddhism and shamanism, this last being the most numerous.<br>(3) There are two major types of rites in <i>Chosen-dera</i>: regular observances called <i>matsuri</i> ('festival') and irregular shamanistic rites called <i>ogam</i>i ('worship'). In the former, worshippers assemble at the temple and worship Buddha and the gods, while in the latter, shamans invite and worship the gods and ancestors' spirits in order to solve various individual problems which worshippers face. The term <i>ogami</i> corresponds to the Korean term <i>kut</i>, but use of the word <i>kut</i> in <i>Chosen-dera</i> is strictly avoided.<br>(4) The temples are mainly supported by first-generation immigrants. Before the 1980's, their activities included not only religious ones, but also entertainment activities such as singing Korean folk songs, dancing and playing games, which were very popular after <i>matsuri</i>. All <i>matsuri</i> dates correspond with Korean holidays (<i>myongj'ol</i>), and such entertainment practices are related to the tradition of <i>nori</i> ('playing') on the occasions of these holidays.<br>3. Ritual processes in <i>Chosen-dara</i><br>(1) All musical instruments used in the rites are of Korean origin and are often called by their Cheju dialect names.<br>(2) The processes of the following three rites are described, with emphasis on their musical aspects. (I) <i>Ch'ilsongjae</i>, one of the syncretic Buddhist-shamanistic <i>matsuri</i> observances of Temple A. (II) The syncretic Buddhist-shamanistic <i>ogami</i> rite of Shrine R. (III) The shamanistic <i>ogami</i> rite at Temple G.<br>4. Discussion 1: musical and choreological aspects Some aspects of music and dance of the above rites are examined, with the following conclusions:<br>(1) Both myths and sutras in a rite have some common features in function and style; both are forms of communication from men to the gods and spirits, and both have rhythmically stable percussion accompaniment.<br>(2) However, because of the high value attached to the literate and literacy by Koreans, the use of written texts during sutra recitation creates a distinction between syncretic rites and purely shamanistic ones, and gives authority to the former.<br>(3) Dancing by worshippers during a rite is not as popular as in Korea. This is probably due to the fact that participation by the worshipper's family has become rare, and also because rites in <i>Chosen-dera</i> have become more secret than those in Korea.<br>(4) While myths and sutras are always recited in Korean, Japanese is sometimes used to address worshippers. However, the use of Japanese, which is only for the sake of making the rite progress smoothly, has little influence on musical style.<br>5. Discussion 2: <i>Chosen-dera</i> in the Korean society in Japan<br>In this chapter the culture of shamanism and its current tren

著者

田辺 尚雄

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1954, no.12, pp.270-270, 1954

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爾来声明の旋律は仏家の頗る重視する所で、門外漢の容易に近寄り難いものとされて居るので、之を洋式五線譜に記して普及せしめるなどと云うことは思ひも寄らなかつた。然るに大正年間に東京芝増上寺内安養院の千葉満定師は深く之を惜み、一般希望者に対し常に声明の講習を行って居たが、苦辛の末之を洋式五線譜に移し、大正十三年九月に「礼讃声明譜」として一冊の秩入折本として売出した。出版所は浄土教報社である。之れには千葉氏の他に津田徳成、堀井慶雅の両師も其編纂に参加し、之を宮内省楽師東儀俊鶉氏に校閲を依頼してある。之は凡て浄土宗声明であるが、余りに西洋的な考へに捉はれ過ぎて居て、無理に四拍子に納めようとしてあるのは声明の実体に遠ざかつて居る。寧ろグレゴリオ聖歌式に拍子を切らずに置いた方がよいのではないかと思う。然し兎に角卒先して難解の声明を五線譜にした功績は賞すべきである。

著者

水野 信男

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2008, no.73, pp.107-110, 2008-08-31 (Released:2012-09-05)

著者

井上 さゆり

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2008, no.73, pp.1-18, 2008-08-31 (Released:2012-09-05)

参考文献数

17

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現在のビルマ (ミャンマー) において「古典歌謡」として位置づけられている歌謡作品群「大歌謡 (thachingyi)」は、二十前後の下位ジャンルに区分されている。特定のジャンルに属する作品は旋律を共有して類似しているものが多く、またジャンル区分は歌謡集において明示されていることもあり、作品のジャンル区分についての疑問はこれまで呈されてこなかった。筆者はこれまでの研究において、作品が作られた時点では作品の全てにジャンル名が付されていたわけではないことを指摘した。一八七〇年に編纂された貝葉写本において、大歌謡作品を全ていずれかのジャンルに区分したことが初めて確認できたが、それ以降に作られた歌謡集においても、ジャンル帰属が一定しない作品も見られた。そのことから、作品とジャンルの関係は、もともとは固定したものではなかったのではないかと考えられた。本稿では、各ジャンルに属する作品の全てが、他のジャンルの作品と排他的に区別される指標を持っているわけではないことを論じる。作品の中には、二つのジャンルに解釈されて演奏し分けられている作品、またはジャンルを定義するとされる指標の一つである調律種を他の調律種と交換して演奏される作品などがある。ジャンル帰属は異なるが、歌詞と旋律の両方を共有した二つの作品もある。これらの、従来のジャンル定義に当てはまらない作品は、常に二つのジャンルの指標に関係しており、三つ以上のジャンルの指標に関係することはない。このことから、各ジャンルは創作技法が変化していく時間軸上に並べられ、これらの例は、ジャンルからジャンルへの移行期を示す作品であると考えることができる。ジャンルという括りは、ある特定の指標を共有する作品が複数存在することから喚起されるものであるといえるが、その範囲は決して他のジャンルと排他的に区別されるものではなく、ジャンルとジャンルの間には創作の連続性が見られる。

著者

吉田 寛

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

東洋音樂研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, pp.17-36,*3-4, 2001