著者
新堀 歓乃
出版者
The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)
雑誌
東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2006, no.71, pp.1-20, 2006

ご詠歌とは仏教的内容を持つ詞に節を付けた歌謡で、巡礼や葬式など様々な仏教儀礼でうたわれる。ご詠歌の詠唱はうたい手が自らの信仰を表現する手段のひとつであり、その信仰は不変のものとみなされるため、ご詠歌の詞や節を個人の趣向で勝手に変えることは許されず、常にひとつの「正しい」詠唱法が求められる。しかし、この「正しい」詠唱法を伝えるはずの楽譜は幾度も書き替えられ、また、実際の詠唱や口伝内容も時代とともに変容してきている。では、なぜ楽譜と口頭伝承を変容させてしまうことが、ご詠歌を「正しく」伝承することであるとみなされ得るのか。この問いに答えるべく、本稿では密厳流のご詠歌を例に挙げて、楽譜と口頭伝承が変容する過程を分析した結果、その変容のしくみを以下のように説明できた。<br>ご詠歌は、伝授者である師範から被伝授者である在家の一般信者へと規範が提示されることによって伝承される。その規範とは師範が「正しい」と認識している詠唱法であり、これが楽譜と口頭伝承を通じて伝えられる。そのとき、師範は正確な伝承を達成しようとする一方、自己の個性を表現しようとするため、師範各々の詠唱間にはしばしば相違が生じ、それゆえ、ご詠歌の伝承にはある種の不完全さが伴う。たいていの場合、師範はこの不完全さを「詠唱の幅」と呼び、豊かな音楽性として評価する。しかし、ご詠歌を「正しく」伝承しようとする意識から、師範たちが伝承の不完全な部分を「正しくない」「規範に反する」と判断した場合、師範同士で会議を開いてご詠歌の「正しさ」をめぐって議論し、規範を再構築する。そして、新たな規範と従来の楽譜や口頭伝承との間に齟齬が生じた場合には、新たな規範に従って楽譜と口頭伝承を変更する。それゆえ、楽譜と口頭伝承を変容させることが、ご詠歌を「正しく」伝承することであるとみなされ得るのである。
著者
寺内 直子
出版者
The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)
雑誌
東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)
巻号頁・発行日
no.63, pp.16-36,L2, 1998

The <i>wagon</i> _??__??_, the Japanese indigenous six-stringed zither, is often said to have been used only in Japanese native genres such as <i>mikagura</i> _??__??__??_, <i>azuma-asobi</i> _??__??_, and the like. However, from the 10th century, the <i>wagon</i> was introduced into <i>togaku</i> _??__??_ and <i>saibara</i> _??__??__??_ in the context of private concerts, called <i>gyoyu</i> _??__??_, held by a small number of high ranking nobles. Neither this fact, nor the nature of the <i>wagon's</i> musical practice at that time are well known. Fortunately, several sources on the <i>wagon</i> compiled or copied during the Edo period by the musicians of the Ayanokoji family _??__??__??__??_ and others are available. The source Gakurin-gosho _??__??__??__??_ is of most importance in the following regards; 1) It could be dated back to the 15th century which means it represents the old performance tradition, from the time before the <i>saibara</i> tradition's loss in the late Muromachi period. 2) It contains a detailed scores of the <i>wagon</i> as used in both <i>saibara</i> and <i>togaku</i>. An analysis of these sources has made the followings apparent; First, in <i>saibara</i>, the <i>wagon</i> repeats two fixed patterns called <i>sugagaki</i> _??__??_ and <i>katagaki</i> _??__??_ regardless of the vocal melodies. The former pattern is used in <i>go-hyoshi</i> _??__??__??_ or 8 unit pieces and the latter in <i>sando-byoshi</i> _??__??__??__??_ or 4 unit pieces. The <i>wagon</i> part's lack of a close relationship with the vocal part is a characteristic shared with other native vocal genres such as <i>mikagura</i> and <i>azuma-asobi</i>. The basic techniques included in <i>sugagaki</i> and <i>katagaki</i> patterns in <i>saibara</i> can in fact be found in various native genres, so it is possible that <i>sugagaki</i> and <i>katagaki</i> were constructed from these already existed techniques. In this sense, the <i>wagon</i> as used in <i>saibara</i> can be seen as part of a unified lineage of the <i>wagon</i> practice in Japanese native court songs including <i>mikagura</i>.<br>In the case of <i>mikagura</i>, however, a periodical cyclic structure is lacking (except in a small number of exceptional pieces) and the <i>wagon</i> is not played in a periodic patternized manner. On the other hand, periodical repetition is a characteristic of the <i>wagon</i> part in <i>saibara</i> which bears similarity to the rhythmic structure of <i>togaku</i>. In <i>saibara</i>, the <i>wagon</i> actually played in a clear rhythmic role, with unequivocal accents marked with the plectrum pattern in a cycle.<br>Unlike in <i>saibara</i>, the <i>wagon</i> in <i>togaku</i> has developed a more melodic dimension that follows the wind instruments' fundamental melody line. In order to highlight its distinction from other long zither, <i>so</i> or <i>koto</i>, in <i>togaku</i> ensemble, the <i>wagon</i> was always played using plectrum patterns that produced a unique sound and strong accents in a periodical cycle.<br>Although, the <i>wagon</i> was used in a highly patternized way in <i>togaku</i>, different arrangements of a single piece in the sources examined show considerable variety in their detail. This suggests a flexibility in arrangement of individual melodies. In this regard, the <i>wagon</i> had more scope for musical development in the context of <i>togaku</i> than it did in <i>saibara</i>, for the latter case the <i>wagon</i> played only two fixed patterns. In <i>togaku</i>, then, the <i>wagon's</i> style was in closer accord with the ideals of <i>gyoyu</i> which allowed a large amount of improvisation or personal arrangement of melodies.
著者
長沢 利明
出版者
The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)
雑誌
東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1981, no.46, pp.172-151, 1981-08-25 (Released:2010-11-30)
参考文献数
6

This report presents the results of a study conducted in the lJmama town, in the Yamada-gun, in Gunma Prefecture. The study, which centered on the Gion Festival held in )mama, placed particular emphasis on the special characteristics of the folk music found there, as manifested in the percussion ensembles. Omama has long been prosperous as an important trade center, and the Gion Festival held there is in honor of the local market dieties, who are enshrined in the Yasaka Shrine. The festival is held each year during the first three days of August, with manyv isitors from neighboringa reas comingt o watch and enjoy the lively atmosphere. As part of the celebration, six stage wagons ( dashi), one from each district of the town, are wheeled through the s treets, each bearing an ensemble of festival musicians. This report deals with the performance practices of the percussionists in these ensembles. The main points are outlined below.1 Concerning music for the taiko drums, several patterned sequences were identifiedi, n cluding Santeko, Kiri, Tama, Hirabayashi, N imba and Amadare.T hese patterns are executed by four children playing small taiko drums and one adult playing a large taiko drum. Each of these patterns may also be played in combination with a flute (fue) and small hand gong (kane).2 Variations in performance practice can be seen from district to district for most of the patterns, although the Santeko pattern is an exception, and is performed in exactly the same way in all six districts.3 Comparison of these variations reveals that the patterns in the fifth district are relatively complex, and seem to have a closer link to older traditional styles, while patterns in the fourth district are somewhat simplified and abbreviated.4 When considering the reasons why such variations evolved, importance must be attributed to the social structure of the Gin Festival itself, with each district virtually autonomous and each performance ensemble carrying on its tradition from generation to generation in an independent manner. The handing down of the performance tradition, and the training and cultivation of new musicians, are the responsibility of each individual district, and it is therefore not surprising that variations in performance practice arise.

1 0 0 0 OA 無声映画の音

著者
今田 健太郎
出版者
The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)
雑誌
東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2000, no.65, pp.33-53,L4, 2000-08-20 (Released:2010-02-25)
参考文献数
15

This article has two purposes. One is to determine, from documentation, audience's visual and auditory reaction to silent movies. In contrast to talkies, with its apparent combining of sounds with image, silent movies have their own peculiar characteristics. Above all, what is important is that people who saw silent movies made a connection between the sounds and the image. The other aim is to clarify the kind of musical accompaniment that was used for silent movies. This study, which makes use of the verbal testimonies and practices of ÔNO Masao, offers valuable information about the combination of sounds and image of silent movies.Silent movies such as cinematograph and vitascope were first shown in Japan in 1897. The earliest documentation concerning the use of sounds for silent movies appears in 1897 in connection with the Kyôgoku-za in Kyoto. It is presumed that the music used to accompany the screen image, given the condition of music at that time, was probably military music or a civilian band. According to documentation, there was no relationship between the content of the screen and the music performed. The music was merely a type of western style ornamentation. A narrator would explain the content-though this was only to point out the important parts of the movie to facilitate comprehension. The sounds of western music and the voice of the narrator were not seen as being sounds of the screen for the audience. Clearly, in common with these were the new strange and untraditional sounds which possessed an enlightening nuance. These sounds were means to enhance understanding of the film as a narrative.In 1899, when the dancing of geisha was portrayed on the screen, there was musical accompaniment by a nagauta group of musicians. In other words, there was an attempt to reproduce the music which would have heard by the geisha. It is uncertain whether the timing of the sound matched perfectly that of the screen. But at least, the sounds of nagauta approached the content of the film and would have been regarded by the audience as causing realistic feeling. A more extreme example was the portrayal of news film depicting a fire in London. Although the content was a fire in London, a traditional Japanese bell used to announce fires in Japan was used here. In so doing, this succeeded in creating a feeling of actually being present at the incident. Sounds and voice used in silent movies were not strict reproductions of the sounds of that portrayed on the screen but rather attempts to create sounds familiar to the audience so as to elicit the appropriate emotion.Using this historical information, I examine the actual combining of the image with sounds by ÔNO Masao through his use of wayô-gassô, literally “Japanese Western ensemble”. Firstly, there is the term wayô-gassô music combination which is derived from the joint use of Japanese musical instruments and western musical instruments. Apart from the scores for percussion instruments, western score notation was used. However the repertoire was divided into two groups, one being the music derived from musical accompaniment in kabuki and the other, music from western classical works. When choosing music from the repertoire of the kabuki to match the screen, music making a symbolized connection with kabuki, that is, music in the kabuki manner would be used. On the other hand, choosing music from the western music repertoire meant only a very general impression and connection were made with the screen image. Moreover, there was a separate repertoire of music making use of both western and Japanese music instruments for chanbara (sword fighting) scenes which were peculiar to jidaigeki (period films) at that time. In this respect, this combination of Japanese/western music instruments could respond to any scene
著者
金光 真理子
出版者
The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)
雑誌
東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2004, no.69, pp.19-34,L2, 2004-08-20 (Released:2010-02-25)
参考文献数
6

Launeddas is a Sardinian triple-clarinet. There are now nine types of Launeddas, each in a different mode. The main repertoire of launeddas is dance music. Its improvisatory performance is based on the compositional principle iskala, a series of pikkiada groups (an individual pikkiada consists of periods of six or nine measure) whose selection and order is aesthetically determined. Each of the nine types of launeddas has its own iskala.The existing studies have failed to differentiate between the theory of iskala and its performance practice. Through the course of fieldwork I hoped to develop a theory that would support iskala performance practice. From my fieldwork I have discovered that that the concept of iskala varies between regions, generationsand players, I decided to concentrate on the repertory of Aurelio Porcu (1915-), one of the oldest of the current generations of performers. Porcu's tradition derives from the Sarrabus, central region of launeddas playing. His repertory was inherited from his masters, some of the greatest launeddas performers. Porcu devoted his life career to a professional launeddas performance. As heir to one of the central launeddas traditions, analysis and understanding of his performance and repertory is vital.Through analyzing the structural characteristics of iskala, this thesis attempts to clarify the aesthetic process underlying iskala performance.Analysis revealed the following three points, as follows. First, the pikkiada groups that form the iskala, is are arranged according to the dance. Although the selection of pikkiada varies according to iskala, two pikkiada groups emerged as common to all iskala performance; furias and pass'appuntau, both of which are related to dance steps. It can consequently be said that the structure of iskala performance mirrors the structure of the dance ‹opening→furias→pass'appuntau→end›.Second, in performance, there appear two characteristic features of the iskala. The first of these is what I refer to as “flexible framework”. This refers to the length of performance. As launeddas players decide on the spur of the moment how to develop pikkiada groups, they can control the length of performance, making it as long or short as necessary.Furthermore, according to Porcu there is an aesthetic principle that no pikkiada group shall be repeated, what I refer to as a “one way principle”. This is a somewhat contradictory principle for launeddas players urged to play long performance. The existence of the “one way principle” demonstrates that launeddas dance music, based on a concept of the iskala, is a well-ordered logical construction.Third, there appears to be an ideal “pikkiada matrix” for each of the pikkiada groups. When Porcu teaches iskala, he demonstrates various sequences of pikkiada in each group (Porcu calls each pikkiada group merely “sa pikkiada”, i. e the pikkiada). These are regarded as examples of typical pikkiada, in which there is no fixed or privileged pikkiada like theme, contrary to the explanation in the former studies. In the performance launeddas players can freely decide and play various versions of pikkiada in each group providing they follows the proper pattern at each stage of the hierarchy (motif, phrase, and whole pikkiada of each group). While this is not a concrete pattern that players are bound to adhere to, it appears that this has been extracted as a successful model of performance by experienced launeddas players. As a result, performing launeddas dance music can be interpreted as cr
著者
柚木 かおり
出版者
The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)
雑誌
東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2006, no.71, pp.65-83, 2006-08-31 (Released:2010-09-14)
参考文献数
34

バラライカは三角形の胴に三本の弦をはった有棹撥弦楽器で、ロシアの民族楽器として広く知られている。この楽器には、音楽事典などに見られるような、板を張り合わせて作った粗末な自作楽器あるいは職人が製作した楽器であるというイメージが先行しがちだが、数量から言えば、工場で大量生産されたものが圧倒的に多い。本稿は、民族楽器の大量生産が文化政策の一環として行われた経緯と理念を一九二〇~三〇年代の五ヵ年計画との関連において分析し、楽器大量生産の後世への影響を考察するものである。ソ連は、「資本主義諸国に追いつき、追い越せ」をスローガンに様々な政策を打ち出した。五ヵ年計画はもともと工業部門の発展を目的とした国家規模の計画であるが、そのうち第二次五ヵ年計画 (一九三三~三八) には特に芸術部門の組織化が含まれた。その計画書の冒頭には「安価で良質な楽器の普及が、社会の文化水準の高さを示す」と述べられており、実にその理念にしたがって民族楽器の国を挙げての大量生産が行われるようになった。世界初の社会主義国ソ連では、文化は国によって計画、運営、管理されるものであり、その意味で「国営文化」だった。工場製の楽器の生産と流通によって、より多くの人々が楽器を手にすることができるようになり、その楽器とともに、政策施行者側が推奨した「文化的な」音楽文化も組織的に普及することになった。しかし楽器の普及は、他方で、「非文化的である」として当局が排除しようとした農民の伝統的な器楽曲や世俗的なレパートリーを根絶するばかりか、政策被施行者側の工夫により、逆に生き残らせるという結果をもたらした。それらは、政策施行者側の推進した工場製楽器によって現在も鳴り響いている。