著者

豊田 有恒

出版者

島根県立大学

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.97-111, 2001-03

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In the beginning of the 3rd century, the North Eastern Region of Asia was not yet known to China. The mainland of China was devided into three different dynasties, "Wei (魏), " "Wu (呉), " and "Shu (蜀), " which kept fighting each other for nearly half a century. Famous Chinese historian Chen Shou (陳寿) described "Three Dynasty Chronicles (三国志)" in which he introduced to Chinese court not only silkroad countries but also un-known Eastern races and countries. This document was the first description on those predecessors of NEAR, North East Asia Region.

著者

陳 仲奇

出版者

島根県立大学

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.1-18, 2005-01

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The national project of checking, punctuating and republishing the twenty-five Chinese historical classics was initiated by Mao Zedong in 1958, but failed to continue due to Culture revolution started in 1966. However, under Mao's instruction it proceeded in 1971. The power struggle over the leading position in the project between Zhou Enlai and Yao Wenyuan started as Mao's instruction was made. The special cultural project in this particular time (Culture revolution) represents not only cultural characteristics of this period, but also the considerations of those in power. Therefore, it can be regarded as the epitome of the power struggle of that time. In order to clarify the feud between Zhou and Yao, the thesis focuses on the events around the time when the project was restarted in 1971. It's based on the interview of participants of the project and classified materials collected in Beijing. The author's research "China Press and systemization of classical books in People's Republic of China-the background of checking, punctuating and republishing the twenty-five Chinese historical classics" is sponsored financially by (A) "Northeast Asian Publication Cultural Research Project." The thesis is part of the research achievements.

著者

宇野 重昭 Shigeaki UNO

出版者

島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター

雑誌

北東アジア研究 = Shimane journal of North East Asian research : North East Asian region (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, pp.1-14, 2018-03-31

著者

鹿 錫俊 Xijun LU

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.199-208, 2001-10-01

著者

井上 厚史 Atushi INOUE

出版者

島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター

雑誌

北東アジア研究. 別冊 = Shimane journal of North East Asian research. [Special issue] : North East Asian region (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.31-46, 2017-09-13

著者

茂木 敏夫 Toshio MOTEGI

出版者

島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター

雑誌

北東アジア研究. 別冊 = Shimane journal of North East Asian research. [Special issue] : North East Asian region (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.75-93, 2017-09-13

著者

胡 藤 Teng HU

出版者

島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター

雑誌

北東アジア研究 = Shimane journal of North East Asian research : North East Asian region (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, pp.1-17, 2022-03-31

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Qian Daxin is one of the most representative scholars of the School of Evidential (kaozhengxue, koukyogaku) in Qing Era. He has a keen command of history studies and claims that Confucian Classics studies (jingxue) and history studies should not be treated separately. He believes that only studying both could prevent knowledge from becoming impractical like the Neo-Confucianism (school of principle, lixue, rigaku). This article takes his assessment of the Shi Tong (by Liu Zhiji) as a clue to analyze his understanding of historical records and what he perceives as the ideal way of historiography. Qian Daxin holds the point that the facts should be truthfully recorded, though the recording may be subject to interference by the political power of the time to ‘create myths’ to legitimate its rule. It is thus valuable to document other narratives of various historical sources to resist such political interference. Only in this way will the historical records be free from becoming moral judgments. And this means reading history will be to understand the ancients immanently through historical records. Qian’s point of view is usually seen to be close to Zhang Xuecheng’s, who is believed to hold a modern historiographical perspective. Although Zhang makes a similar point with Qian that all Confucian Classics should be regarded as historical materials instead of principles, he still attempts to establish in his historiography a continuous "orthodoxy" where the authority of political power overrides scholarship. Qian, unlike Zhang, focuses on discovering and understanding the specific ‘Other’, which was shared by most scholars of the School of Evidential at that time and is thus seen as the motivation of their studies.

著者

高坂 史朗 Shiro KOHSAKA

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14-15, pp.151-167, 2008-03-31

著者

中野 耕太 Kota NAKANO

出版者

島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター

雑誌

北東アジア研究 = Shimane journal of North East Asian research (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

no.25, pp.125-133, 2014-03

著者

李 良姫 Yanghee LEE

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, pp.149-167, 2007-03-31

著者

李 良姫 Yanghee LEE

出版者

島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

no.13, pp.149-167, 2007-03

著者

李 良姫 福原 裕二 Yanghee LEE Yuji ZFUKUHARA

出版者

島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.117-134, 2009-03

著者

柳澤 明 Akira YANAGISAWA

出版者

島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

no.3, pp.147-162, 2017-09

著者

別枝 行夫

出版者

島根県立大学

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.131-149, 2002-03

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The purpose of this study is to examine a political process of the history textbook controversies, focusing its consequences on Japan's international relations, especially those with China and Korea. The textbook issues have been debated since the postwar period to develop into serious diplomatic problems with China and Korea. Asian countries criticize that Japan's textbooks euphemize Japanese invasion of Asian countries and that screening of textbooks by the Ministry of Education is not inappropriate. The New History Textbook of Fusosha, approved by the Ministry in 2001, made Asian neighbors furious and created heated controversies both in domestic and international communities. As an extraordinary response of the Ministry, the textbook was re-screened. This study describes a political process of the above-mentioned problems through interviews with retired Chinese and Japanese diplomats.

著者

小泉 仰 Takashi KOIZUMI

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14-15, pp.87-102, 2008-03-31

著者

ミカ メルヴィオ

出版者

島根県立大学

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.109-120, 2003-03

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The United Nations has made a significant contribution to international security by promoting alternative visions of security and keeping a wide variety of fundamental global issues on political agenda. Human rights have been high on the agenda since the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), which still stands as the foundation of all attempts to fight against human rights abuses. Similarly, the United Nations kept environment on the international political agenda ever after the Conference on the Human Environment in Stockholm in 1972 ended. At the same time a whole new vocabulary has been created to deal with environmental and human security threats. However, there are limits to what the United Nations system and its supporters can do since many of its member states are less than enthusiastic about placing priority on human rights or environmental concerns in their domestic and foreign policies. Unfortunately, all too many countries waste resources promoting their narrow and selfish short-term interests and satisfying their nationalist sentiments instead of promoting long-term solutions to pressing global problems. The so-called green political agenda has been adopted quite unevenly in the world in geographic terms and within most societies there can be found deep divisions in terms of degrees of human rights or environmental concern. This article analyses the situation of human rights and human security and how these concerns are addressed in the foreign policies of the United States, European countries and various countries in the Northeast Asia region. The terrorist attacks of September 11th 2001 had a deep impact on international relations in all parts of the world after the United States made its war against terror its first priority and in international politics there seems to be an upsurge of unilateralism, militarism and nationalism. However, at the same co-operation to strengthen the international law and make it more effective against human rights violations has continued and there have been important results such as establishment of the International Criminal Court and fight against torture. For the time being the human rights policies of such countries as Japan, the United States, Russia and the countries of the European Union have grown all the time more dissimilar to each other, reflecting deep ideological and sociological differences as well as differences in policy priorities.

著者

井上 厚史

出版者

島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

no.21, pp.57-79, 2011-03

著者

栗生沢 猛夫 Takeo KURYUZAWA

出版者

島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター

雑誌

北東アジア研究. 別冊 = Shimane journal of North East Asian research. [Special issue] : North East Asian region (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.59-74, 2017-09-13

著者

小林 博

出版者

島根県立大学

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.51-61, 2005-03

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In eastern part of Russia including Sakhalin, there are many oil and gas projects which are ongoing or at the planning stage. In order for these projects to be developed successfully, huge amount of fund raising is required. Even though the number of banks is very large, second in the world after the United States, the Russian banking system is very underdeveloped. As a result, it is extremely difficult to finance big oil and gas projects domestically. Accordingly, the large scale external financing is necessary so that the oil and gas projects would be developed successfully. To finance huge amount of fund externally for oil and gas projects, the finance technique of project finance is used in many cases. Usually, international development banks and official credit agencies of the advanced countries take part in the project finance. These banks and agencies take the political risks of the projects. In addition to these international development banks and official credit agencies, many parties take part in the project finance. These parties are sponsor companies, constructing companies, management companies, commercial banks, sellers of raw materials, buyers of products and so on. These parties share the risks involved in the projects. In the case of big oil and gas projects in Russia, the project finance is expected to be used to raise the fund. If the commercial banks do not join the financing of those projects because the project finance is not structured successfully, the projects will be greatly scaled down.

著者

中野 耕太 nakano

出版者

島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター

雑誌

北東アジア研究 = Shimane journal of North East Asian research : North East Asian region (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, pp.19-37, 2021-03-31

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The purpose of this study is to consider whether "the regime of Yi Ui-min" really existed or not in the late 12th century Korea (Goryeo). Yi Ui-min was a military general who was born as a slave in Gyeongju. It is commonly accepted that he ruled the Goryeo government as the 4th leader of the "Goryeo military regime" from 1184 to 1196, when Choe Chung-heon assassinated him. It is difficult, however, to prove the existence of "the regime of Yi Ui-min" due to a lack of historical materials.This study examined the following three points to reconsider the theory of "the regime of Yi Uimin." Firstly, it examined how previous studies evaluated the regime. Through this examination, we found that previous studies had already pointed out the weakness of "the regime of Yi Uimin." Secondly, it critically discussed the theoretical grounds that support the regime’s existence. As a result, it was found that there are no historical records to support the claim directly. Thirdly, it analyzed the historical records that are inconsistent with the theory. The results revealed that Du Gyeong-seung was as powerful as Yi Ui-min, and that Yi Ui-min couldn’t overwhelm him till the end.The conclusion of this study is as follows; From 1184 to 1190 Yi Ui-min was not a prominent leader in the Goryeo government. From 1190 to 1196 there were two leaders, Yi Ui-min and Du Gyeong-seung in the Goryeo government. The common theory of "the regime of Yi Ui-min" says that Yi Ui-min ruled the Goryeo government then as a dictator, although he was less powerful than other military leaders. But the theory of "the dyarchy of Yi Ui-min and Du Gyeong-seung" is closer to the actual situation than that of "the regime of Yi Ui-min." The next paper will explore the relationship between these two leaders.