著者

長尾 英彦

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.1-16, 2003-12-20 (Released:2018-01-10)

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Wenn ein name oder ein potrat eines Prominantes wird im Verlag, TV-CM usw. gebraucht, ohne seine Zustimmung, er hat den Anspruch auf das schadenersatz oder das Gebrauchverbot. Es wird das Recht des Publicity genannt. Das Wesen des Rechts ist der wirtschaftlich Gewinn, trotzdem das Recht des Publicity mit dem Personlichkeitsrecht zusammenhangt, so Beides kann nicht streng unterscheiden werden. Im Japan, das Vorstellung des Publicity ist nicht noch ausgebreitet und so es besteht eine Tendenz, dass eine Verletzung zum Publicity wird zu schwer im Prozess anerkannt, aber denke ich das ist fraglich.

著者

土居 靖美

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.39-51, 2003-12-20 (Released:2018-01-10)

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The theory was appeared in the Note of the Harvard Law Review (Vol115, No.4) on the bombing of the World Trade Center of Sept 11, 2001. President Bush used the armed forces of US to prevent future acts of terrorism. Sept 11 attack seems somehow different from the other event. This logic offers two explanations for the change in policy based in economic analysis and based in shifts in favored rationales for criminal punishment.

著者

石田 信義

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.53-72, 2003-12-20 (Released:2018-01-10)

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This study aims to analyze the mobility of the foreign workers in Japan with the viewpoint of a socio-cultural context, and to have perspectives on the social changing process of a transnational society. For this purpose, in this paper I focus on descriptive analysis of the facts of changing process of Nikkei-Brazilians (Japanese descendants from Brazil) in Japan. Accompanying the increase and growing long-term resident of foreign workers as Nikkei-Brazilians, new social issues have risen in the Japanese communities : the problem of cultural conflicts between foreign workers and Japanese, the social deviation of foreigners from the communities and the increase of crimes because of their uncertain conditions. So, through this case study, considering the factors which condition the life of foreigners, I will discuss the basic problem and have implications for the necessity of realizing the social cohesion between Japanese and foreign workers in our community.

著者

岸本 正司

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.73-92, 2003-12-20 (Released:2018-01-10)

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This paper first discussed the necessity and propriety of establishing a new guideline for teaching the Japanese Constitution to Japanese high-school students, and then presented a teaching plan based on the guideline. The aim of the teaching plan was twofold : (1) To remind students of the great achievements of their ancestors through learning about two constitutions wrote in this country : Juhichijou Kenpou (the 17-article Constitution, 7C. AD) and the Imperial Constitution (19C. AD), thus leading students to take pride in their country's culture and tradition. (2) To let students think about the right direction in revising the Japanese Constitution based on the perspective developed in the above process.

著者

眞次 宏典

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.93-120, 2003-12-20 (Released:2018-01-10)

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Whenever we discuss about modern constitutions and political order, the notion of 'an absolute', namely divine or despotic power appears in our discourse. Such notions as natural law, natural rights, the basic norm, sovereignty and constituent power show the existence of 'an absolute' in our theories of the modern constitution and political order. If seems that 'an absolute' has been indispensable to the theories of the modern state and the constitution. But is it true? Examining the notion of 'an absolute' in our theories of the modern state and the constitution, this paper makes a critical analysis of the reason as to why 'an absolute' appeared in the modern age.

著者

奥村 文男

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.1-21, 2004-12-20 (Released:2018-01-10)

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The law which citizens join in the criminal trial was enacted in 2004 and this is scheduled to carry into effect within 5years after its promulgation. This law, however, contains not only administrative problems but also important matters regarding principles of the Constitution. I suppose this issue should be considered more carefully. In this paper, I will point out some interrogations on these matters for further discussions.

著者

小森 義峯

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.1-20, 2002-12-23 (Released:2018-01-10)

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In the constituent Imperial Diet of 1946, Premier Yoshida explained that all war and all war potential including a war and war potential for self-defense were renounced on the Art. 9 of the draft of the Japanese Constitution. Japanese successive Cabinet has been adopting this interpretation on the Art. 9. Therefore, the present Cabinet also insists on the unconstitutionality of Execution of the right of collective self-defense. On the other hand, according to the interpretation of Kyoto school, as the Art. 9 renounces only a war as means of settling international disputes, by a general idea of international law, we can execute the right of collective self-defense. In this thesis, from a standpoint of Kyoto school, I advice change of the govermental interpretation on the Art. 9 of the Japanese Constitution.

著者

抱 喜久雄

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.21-41, 2002-12-23 (Released:2018-01-10)

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There is much argument as to whether "the right to self-determination" is one of the human rights which is guaranteed by the Japanese Constitution. Today, the views of the majority recognize the right to pursue happiness as to be the guarantee of "nonenumerated" human rights and "the right to self-determination" as included in the right to pursue to happiness. But, reviewing the controversy over "the right to self-determination", I must point out ambiguousness of the definition and contents of the right. In this paper, I will reexamine the controversy over the right to self-determination and suggest some questions about it.

著者

嵐 義人

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.43-65, 2002-12-23 (Released:2018-01-10)

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You can observe an universal-called it "internationalism"-in the Japanese Constitution. It was also found in the Imperial Constitution. In "The 17-Arts Law", enacted by the Holy Prince "Umayado" in 6th century, you will find the Tang-ism, which should be called the internationalism in ancient Japan. The next ancient law, "The Ritsu-Ryo" received the ideology of the Tang-ism with unchanged. So I study the internationalism as Japanese culture in the Constitution of Japan.

著者

吉田 夏彦

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.93-113, 2002-12-23 (Released:2018-01-10)

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In der Bundesrepublik Deutschland sind die Mehrfachmandanten in den Aufsichtsraten von Konkurrenzunternehmen nicht selten. Es ist aber problematisch, z.B. ob das Aufsichtsratsmitglied einer Aktiengesellschaft an die Stelle des Aufsichtsratsmitgleids eines in Wettbewerb stehenden anderen Unternehmens treten kann. Dieses Thema ist in Jungster Zeit nicht nur in den Literaturen, sondern auch in der Politik stark diskutiert geworden. Unter diesen Umstanden hat SPD-Partei in 1995 einen Entwurf eines Gesetzes zur Verbesserung von Transparenz und Beschrankung von Machtkonzentration in der deutschen Wirtschaft (sog. Transparenz-und Wettbewerbsgesetz) vorgelegt. In Jahre 1998 hat der Bundestag aber diesen Entwurf abgelehnt. In Zusammenhang GWB (Gesetz gegen Wettbewerbsbeschrankungen) scheint dieses Thema fur mich sehr interessant. In dieser Schrift sollte klargestellt werden, dass der Bundestag mit welchem Grunden den Entwurf abgelehnt hat. Anschliessend mochte ich die Moglichkeiten der Rechtsvergleichung mit japanischen Recht versuchen.

著者

池田 実

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.115-140, 2002-12-23 (Released:2018-01-10)

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Defender of the People (Defensor del Pueblo) under the Spanish Constitution of 1978 shows us one of the most recent models of the contemporary Ombudsman system. He/She plays not only the role of a traditional Commissioner of Parliament that supervises public administration, but also that of the protector of constitutional rights and freedoms. In addition, he/she serves as the prosecutor that denounces laws as unconstitutional before the Constitutional Court. This paper refers to the figure of the Defender in the context of the present system of protection of constitutional rights and freedoms, and analyzes what it means today.

著者

小森 義峯

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.1-21, 2000-12-20 (Released:2018-01-10)

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In Japan, after restoration of sovereignty, there was the first movement (1952-1960) of amendment to the Constitution for rearmament. Secondly, there was a resting stage (1960-1990) in high growth of economy. Thirdly, since 1990 there is a new movement of amendment to the Constitution for international contribution of man power. But I am sorry to say that they forget the traditional Emperor system as a fandamental problem of amendment to the Japanese Constitution in all period.

著者

野畑 健太郎

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.23-43, 2000-12-20 (Released:2018-01-10)

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According to what Gerhard Leibholz says, "die letzte Konsequenz des modernen Parteienstaates" (the last consequence of the modern Party State) in the Western developed countries is that if a person ceases to be a Member of a Political Party upon whose platform he has been elected to the Parliament, he should immediately cease to be a Member of the Parliament. After World War II, the constitutions of some developing countries, that is : the 1962 Constitution (Art. 38) of South Korea, the 1963 Constitution (Art. 30) of Singapoe, the 1967 Constitution (Art. 39) of Zaire, the 1969 Constitution (Art. 75) of Ghana, the 1990 Constitution (Art. 43) of Fiji, etc., have the provisions saying that any parson winning an election on a Party symbol, if he quits the Party, loses his seat. The Constitution for the State of Singapore, promulgated when Singapore joined Malaysia and achieved full independence from the United Kingdom in 1963, had a certain provision (Article 30 (2) (b)) referring to the tenure of office of Members of the House, which reads as follows : "The seat of a Member of the Legislative Assembly shall become vacant……if he ceases to be a Member of, or is expelled or resigns from, the political party for which he stood in the election;". The matters I will consider in this paper are as follows : (1) The meaning, role and task of the provision concerning the political party in the Constitution of Singapore. (2) The constitutional history in relation to the provision concerned in the Singapore's Constitutions in the Malaysian phase and the post-independence era.

著者

長尾 英彦

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.45-61, 2000-12-20 (Released:2018-01-10)

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Durch die Veranderung der internationaler Situation verwandelte sich der Sinn, die Funktion, die Rolle der Staatsangehorigkeit. Nach dem traditionell Verstandnis, die Verleihung der Staatsangehorigkeit ist dem Staat (der Gestaltungsfreiheit des Gesetzgebers) zu uberlassen. Aber, angesichts der Wichtigkeit (der Erforder-lichkeit der Verteidigung) der Staatsangehorigkeit fur Einzelnen, eine Uberlegung kommt in frage. Gleichartig, es ist moglich, das Recht der Auslandern zu erweitern.

著者

吉田 夏彦

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.63-83, 2000-12-20 (Released:2018-01-10)

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Recently, The Information Technology (IT) that is typified by Internet develops remarkably, and that influence is bringing various changes to our daily life environment. Therefore, though many problems that must be solved are left, I think that we can't discuss with the law when we ignore the influence of IT. Especially, the electronic commercial transaction that IT is used is expected to produce the future huge market, and the simplification of various procedures in law that IT is used is recognized as necessary thing for the economic increase in efficiency. Therefore, at present, the maintenance of the degree of law that copes with the arrival of the real IT ages is done actively in the many foreign countries. By comparison with them, in Japan, though it was announced that the commercial law revision corresponding to the IT ages would be done by 2002, those concrete contents aren't definite yet. In this paper, I inform about the outline of the German stock law (Aktiengesetz) amended bill that the concrete contents of the revision that copes with IT ages were announced officially prior to Japan. Because, in the first, the Japanese commercial law modeled after the German law. In the second, I think that when we examine about the future Japanese degree of law, to do referring to the German degree of law is more useful than to do referring to the USA, it is an advanced country about IT, degree of law which has the law system that is very flexible.

著者

樋口 雄人

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.85-107, 2000-12-20 (Released:2018-01-10)

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Renomme pour sa theorie du <<pouvoir neutre>>, Benjamin Constant est non seulement l'un des theoriciens de la monarchie constitutionnelle, mais aussi celui du regime parlementaire a l'anglaise. Sous la Troisieme Republique, la France subit sans cesse l'instabilite gouvernementale a cause de la sujetion du ministere a l'assemblee representative. La loi constitutionnelle de 1875 reconnaissant clairement le droit de dissoudre l'Assemblee nationale par le President de la Republique, l'echec de la tentative du President de Mac-Mahon en 1877 (le 16 mai) l'a rendu lettre morte. Des lors, le gouvernement perd definitivement un arme defensif contre l'attaque du parlement. En tentant d'apporter un remede a cette maladie institutionnelle persistante, Robert Redslob, dans son livre Le regime parlementaire publie en 1924 (la version francaise), propose de retablir l'equilibre entre le pouvoir executif et le pouvoir legislatif par le renforcement de l'autorite du chef de l'Etats. Il croit que l'equilibre des deux pouvoirs est l'essence du regime parlementaire <<authentique>> et que ce regime seul peut assurer la stabilite gouvernementale. D'apres lui, le President de la Republique doit reconquerir deux prerogatives majeures, c'est-a-dire le droit de nommer ou revoquer [le President du Conseil] des ministres et celui de dissoudre l'Assemblee nationale, et les exercer pour realiser cet equilibre. Son systeme est base sur le respect de la volonte populaire. Elle s'exprime a l'occasion des elections generaux. Le corps electoral est arbitre ou juge souverain des pouvoirs publiques. C'est le chef d'Etats qui declenche la procedure par la dissolution de l'assemblee representative. Ainsi, l'auteur qualifie le chef d'Etats d' <<instrument de la souverainete populaire>> et de <<mediateur entre le corps electoral d'une part et le parlement, le ministere de l'autre>>. En suivant les arguments de Redslob, on s'apercoit naturellement de la theorie du <<pouvoir neutre>> de Benjamin Constant, car il y a une certaine similitude entre le role du chef d'Etats dans le systeme de Redslob et celui du pouvoir royal chez Constant. En fait, comme Redslob, Constant demande des autorites efficaces du monarque constitutionnel. Il reconnait que les deux prerogatives ci-dessus sont a la discretion du pouvoir neutre. Mais, en comparant deux theories l'une avec l'autre, on remarque un ecart frappant entre elles. Constant nous semble penser que le fonctionnement regulier du regime parlementaire presuppose l'existence de deux partis ou deux groupes parlementaires bien disciplines au sein de l'assemblee, et que le role propre au pouvoir neutre est de faciliter l'alternance de ces deux tendances politiques sous cette condition. Alors, si le roi a des pouvoirs discretionnaires, il ne peut les exercer que pour consulter l'opinion publique qui tranche souverainement le conflit des deux partis, et pour couronner le leader du parti vainqueur. Ici, le role du roi est de nature a arbitrer des matchs politiques entre la majorite et la minorite dans le corps legislatif, selon la regle du jeu, c'est-a-dire la tendance de l'opinion publique. A l'aube d'une ere nouvelle de la monarchie constitutionnelle francaise, Constant invente son pouvoir neutre a la perspective du progres vers le regime parlementaire base sur le bipartisme, deja pratique en Angleterre. Par contre, devant le multipartisme irremediablement anarchique sous la Troisieme Republique, Redslob doit insister sur le renforcement de l'autorite du chef d'Etats sans espoir de la formation d'une majorite stable dans l'assemblee. Mais dans son systeme, le chef d'Etats entre inevitablement dans la lutte(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

大矢 吉之

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.1-25, 2002-03-23 (Released:2018-01-10)

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Donald Robinson presented a paper titled "Can Constitutional Democracy Be Imposed? : A Case Study of the Origins of the Japanese Constituition" at the 1999 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association. At the 1997 Annual Meeting, he gave a thesis on the origins of the Constitution of Japan as follows : The making of the Constitution of 1946 was a collaborative achievement. The purpose of this paper is to reexamine how Robinson's thesis is developed in his new paper.

著者

ヴァンオーヴェルベーク デミトリ

出版者

The Kansai Law and Politics Association

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.27-54, 2002-03-23 (Released:2018-01-10)

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ベルギー国憲法は1831年2月7日に施行された。立法者は君主を想定しながらも, 君主の政治的介入を前例がない程制限していた。しかし, 歴史的な状況とレオポルド一世の性格により, 立法者の想定よりも君主の政治的介入は強かったと思われる。第二次世界大戦後には君主のフォーマルな政治介入は終了したものの1950年に即位したボードワン国王によりインフォーマルな政治介入が強化された。ベルギー国憲法の実態と運用にずれが生じたことを論じることがこの論文の目的である。

著者

吉川 智

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.55-77, 2002-03-23 (Released:2018-01-10)

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Recently in Japan, the irregular employee; freelance part-time worker called "Freeter; Free arbiter" in Japanese is on the increase. Especially, many irregular employee who had graduated from high school, college or university are contained in that. As for that age, 15-24 years old is most. These young Japanese people don't get a regular employ intentionally, and try to bring about their purpose. However, most people can't attain their ambitions, and are put on the socially or economically unstable conditions. In this paper, I will study problems related to their practice and protection of human rights of the irregular employee in the Japanese Constitution. If possible, then, I wish to think about a future Japanese employment form and labor mobility.

著者

小林 幸夫

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.79-96, 2002-03-23 (Released:2018-01-10)

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Nowadays in general the so-called "dead vote" is disliked and unpopular. But the electoral systems in which electors take no notice of dead vote are known to us. They are the majoritarian representation system, above all things the single-member district system, in other words first-past-the-post system. Here the focus is brought on the representation of the whole people, accordingly the integrated Will of the People. On the contrary, in the proportional representation system the reflection of the Will of the People, in reality of each party composing the Will of the People is aimed at. Its motive is to decrease the dead vote. But by overdecreasing appeared the unstable multi-parties political situation. Consequently, newly the technique to produce the dead vote, for example so-called exclusion barrier clause, was tried. In this essay I have intended to see about not only the minusimages, but also the significance of the dead vote.