著者
天野 由莉
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属グローバル地域研究機構アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 = Pacific and American studies (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, pp.95-108, 2014-03

This article is about American attitude toward white refugees from Saint Domingue during the early years of the Haitian Revolution. It focuses on the charity project taken place in 1793. In the summer of that year, about 15000 refugees rushed into American cities because of the turmoil of the capital of Saint Domingue. This article pays special attention to the surge of interest in "sensiblity" during the 18th century. The term sensibility denoted an innate susceptibility to others' suffering. This article shows how the pitiful state of the refugees appealed to Americans' sensibility. American newspapers at that time depicted the situation of the distressed refugees sentimentally. In result, the slave rebellion which was going on in Saint Domingue was drained of political implications and perceived as a mere tragedy. This transition resulted in three outcomes. First, white Saint Dominguans, who had been blamed for the devastation of Saint Domingue, were suddenly victimized after the summer of 1793 and gained Americans' sympathy. Second, shared compassion and the relief project toward refugees appealed to patriotic sentiment in American society. Third, shared sensibility toward refugees' plight made the federal government assist voluntary associations under public funding, regardless of the French officials' objection. However, sensibility toward the whites' suffering obscured the cause of the slaves who stood up for their freedom in Saint Domingue. Thus, this article offeres a nuanced explanation of the Americans' disregard of the revolutionary meaning of the Haitian Revolution in its early stage.論文Articles
著者
入江 哲朗
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属グローバル地域研究機構アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 = Pacific and American studies (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.20, pp.57-73, 2020-03

In marked contrast to his father Benjamin Peirce, a leading scientist in the nineteenth-century US, and his younger brother Charles Sanders Peirce, one of the greatest American philosophers, James Mills Peirce has seldom received substantial treatment in historical research, though he succeeded to his father's chair, Perkins Professor of Astronomy and Mathematics, at Harvard in 1885. Thus little attention has been paid to the fact that his 1893–94 lectures on quaternions were attended by a Japanese graduate student, Shunkichi Kimura. This paper sheds a new light on the achievements of J. M. Peirce through a close reading of Kimura's letter dated October 7, 1894, which described his life at Harvard to Aikitsu Tanakadate, professor of Imperial University, Japan.\n From his promotion to professor in 1869 until his death in 1906, particularly for the 1872–95 period when he was in charge of the incipient graduate education, Peirce had cooperated closely with President Charles William Eliot in the reform of Harvard aiming for its enlargement and professionalization. In the 1894 letter, however, Kimura suggested to Tanakadate that three Harvard professors of mathematical physics were of poor quality as professional scholars, whereas Peirce wrote in the following year an official report boasting the development of graduate education at Harvard. On the other hand, Kimura greatly admired Peirce's dedication to quaternions, in which latter-day Harvard mathematicians had little interest. Kimura's letter provides a valuable point of view for fully appreciating the administrative and academic career of Peirce.
著者
徳田 勝一
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 = Pacific and American studies (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, pp.81-95, 2010-03

This paper analyzes three memoirs written by David P. Conyngham, William Corby and St. Clair A. Mulholland who joined the Irish Brigade which served in the Union Army in order to investigate how the Irish immigrants memorized the Civil War. The Irish Brigade was authorized in September 1861 thanks to the assistance of the Irish community in New York, and originally consisted of the 63rd, 69th and 88th New York regiments comprised predominantly of Irish immigrants. Under the command of Thomas F. Meagher, one of the Young Ireland in exile, the Irish Brigade fought many fierce battles, but virtually ceased to operate as a brigade after the battle of Fredericksburg, where the unit suffered fearsome casualties, because of having trouble in enlisting recruits. // Conyngham intended to leave behind him the “correct memories” of the Irish Brigade, which were characterized by Irish soldiers’ supreme loyalty to the Union and the oblivion of the Emancipation Proclamation and the Draft Riots. Corby added the solidarity among all the Christian soldiers to Conyngham’s “correct memories” because he was concerned about the revival of nativism caused by floods of new immigrants in the late 19th century and the decline of Liberals in the Catholic Church and intended to appeal for religious tolerance. Mulholland added the memory of the solidarity between born Americans and immigrants in the battlefields because he intended to reveal the role of immigrants in the American society in order to resist nativism.
著者
冨田 晃正
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 = Pacific and American studies (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, pp.96-115, 2010-03

Since 1980s, with the progress of economic globalization, the preference formation among domestic actors has been increasingly affected by the international economy. Thus, the effect which the progress of economic globalization has on domestic social groups and on preference formation among domestic actors major focus on IPE (International Political Economy). // This paper focuses on one such social group, AFL-CIO (American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organization) which has a presence in American Trade Policy as the biggest labor union. It has also emerged as an anti-globalization that has a strong impact on the IPE, as seem at the WTO (World Trade Organization) Seattle convention in 1999. To confirm how the globalization has affected AFL-CIO’s preference contents, this paper focuses on milestones in the history of American Trade Policy from the 1960s to the 1990s; Trade Expansion Act of 1962, Trade Act of 1974, Omnibus Trade and Competitiveness Act of 1988, and NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement). // The results clearly show that the preference contents of AFL-CIO are more diverse and complex, with the expansion of economic globalization
著者
富澤 達三
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 = Pacific and American studies (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, pp.31-40, 2005-03

1. Kawaraban in the Edo Period In the last days of the Tokugawa Shogunate, many kinds of Kawaraban (used as News sources of the commonalty) were published in the metropolis like Edo and Osaka. In the past, it was said that the oldest Kawaraban prints were published in the days of the Osaka War (1615), but the recent research has brought a new theory that they were made in earlier period. Kawaraban had several distinctive features. * news were their main contents * people paid money to read them * instant prints* publisher was anonymous * no fixed format and low quality prints There were many kinds of news printed in the Kawaraban such as catastrophe (fire, earthquake and eruption), murder cases (Katakiuchi (vengeance) or Shinju (double suicide)), strange incidents (appearance of monster or ghost), and the arrival of the foreign ships called Kurofune. The Edo-bakufu strictly prohibited production and selling of the prints that dealt with such topics. But in the end of Edo-era, enormous amount of public prints were produced for the mass while the censorships by Edo-bakufu became nominal, and Kawaraban were published openly. In particular, big fires broke out frequently in Edo and the Kawaraban often reported their damages. The disaster information of the Kawaraban was relatively credible, and therefore served to calm people's fears and also transmitted the situations of the damages from Edo to provinces. 2. Kawaraban of Black Ships (Kurofune Kawaraban) In 1853 (Kaei-6), Admiral Perry voyaged to Uraga, and urged Japan to start commerce. Edo was thrown into an uproar, and hundreds of Kawaraban which informed this incident were produced. These ""Kurofune Kawaraban"" told the people the circumstance by the stereotypical images and some fultual information. The Kurofune Kawaraban were non-censored illegal prints, and many of them were one-sheet-type. It was rare that such printings containing political information were published in a large quantity and were purchased by the general public. In this paper, I will analyze the image of the Kurofune Kawaraban, and examine their roles in the public world.
著者
松田 春香
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 = Pacific and American studies (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, pp.135-152, 2005-03

Outpost Countries'in East Asia, such as South Korea and Taiwan, proposed to make 'anticommunist'security pacts in order to get U.S. military support and strengthen their security since the international environment surrounding them had changed. They suggested making a 'Pacific Pact'in 1949, to be followed with 'The Asian People Anti-communist League (APACL)'after the Korean War. But South Korea and Taiwan could not reach a consensus on Japanese participation. That is why APACL, establisehd in 1954, could not get any support from the U.S., so became far from a collective security pact. On the other hand, the U.S. changed its policy and entered into bilateral security pacts with East Asian countries because it felt threatened by China. Furthermore, because it had become impossible for France to win in the First Indochina War in 1954, the U.S. asked other countries, including Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, to cooperate in Indochina and tried to integrate this military cooperation into the collective security pacts. Eventually, the U.S. failed to develop a security pact among Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan due to worsening Japan-Korea relations. Consequently, the bilateral security pacts have been maintained and not been changed into a collective security pact in Northeast Asia. The proposals to make the collective security pacts by both 'Outpost Countries'in East Asia and U.S. had failed, but when the U.S. promoted close military relations among non-communist countries, the 'outpost countries'cooperated with them. APACL played a part in their cooperation.
著者
Kaufmann Peter
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属グローバル地域研究機構アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 = Pacific and American studies (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, pp.7-12, 2016-03

特集 : 『渚にて』再訪 : 核・ハリウッド・オーストラリアSpecial Topic : Revisiting "On the Beach" : Nuclear Weapons, Hollywood, Australia
著者
中尾 秀博
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属グローバル地域研究機構アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 = Pacific and American studies (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, pp.13-22, 2016-03

特集 : 『渚にて』再訪 : 核・ハリウッド・オーストラリアSpecial Topic : Revisiting "On the Beach" : Nuclear Weapons, Hollywood, Australia
著者
三浦 順子
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属グローバル地域研究機構アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 = Pacific and American studies (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, pp.93-110, 2016-03

論文ArticlesThe phrase "the Mexican Problem" was invented in Texas during turn of the twentieth century, and it spread throughout the American political and social cultures through the 1910s and 1920s. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the creation of "the Mexican Problem" by focusing on the movement of changing social order in Texas during the 1910s. Since the turn of the twentieth century, Texas faced drastic social changes in its social, political, and economic structures. The rise of the political career of James E. Ferguson, governor of Texas, from 1914 to the middle of 1917 was seen as a symbol of those changes. Ferguson stated the importance of the Farming in Texas development and claimed to turn sharecroppers into independent capitalists. Also, he left the topic of prohibition out of political account and placed breweries that were mainly operated by German Americans in Texas urban areas, turning them into an industry that significantly contributed to the state's economic resources. On the other hand, Mexicans were treated as cheap laborers and temporary commuters working in Texas. Their numbers were huge, but they had limited functions as members of society. World War I institutionalized those Mexicans positioned in Texas during their Americanization program, and eventually they were spread throughout the entire country. Mexicans were identified and problematized, which had nothing to do with racial integration with Whites or their assimilation as immigrants; rather, it was a question of socially locating them as illegitimate citizens of American society.
著者
廣部 泉
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属グローバル地域研究機構アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 = Pacific and American studies (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, pp.14-21, 2013-03

特集 : 太平洋関係のなかのアメリカと日本 : 歴史からの問いSpecial Topic : The U.S. and Japan in the Pacific Relations : Considering from Historical Perspectives