著者

二瓶 マリ子

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.151-164, 2008-03

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This paper examines the social conditions of Mexican American youths of the 1940s, particularly of a group known as the pachucos. Pachuco is a term that refers to working-class Mexican American male youths who wore zoot suits in southwestern cities during the 1940s. Often seen as gangsters by mainstream Los Angeles the pahucos became increasingly marginalized in the city.//Thirty years later during the 1970s many ethnic groups began to undergo a phenomenon known as ethnic revival or an awakening of their own ethnicity. Under this influence, some Mexican American intellectuals and artists such as Luis Valdez and Ruben Salazar recognized the pachuco as the origin of Mexican American consciousness.//Why did some Mexican Americans of the 1970s equate the pachucos with their ethnic origin in spite that they were terribly feared and despised a generation ago? There were several Mexican heroes such as Pancho Villa and Emiliano Zapata who could be used as the origin of ethnic consciousness. But why did the pachucos feature as the roots of this ethnic awakening?//This paper deals with this question by looking at the relationship between pachucos and other ethnic groups in Los Angeles during the 1940s. It does so, by analyzing two historical incidents that involved pachucos: the Sleepy Lagoon murder in 1942 and the Zoot Suit Riots of 1943.

著者

徳田 勝一

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.81-95, 2010-03

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This paper analyzes three memoirs written by David P. Conyngham, William Corby and St. Clair A. Mulholland who joined the Irish Brigade which served in the Union Army in order to investigate how the Irish immigrants memorized the Civil War. The Irish Brigade was authorized in September 1861 thanks to the assistance of the Irish community in New York, and originally consisted of the 63rd, 69th and 88th New York regiments comprised predominantly of Irish immigrants. Under the command of Thomas F. Meagher, one of the Young Ireland in exile, the Irish Brigade fought many fierce battles, but virtually ceased to operate as a brigade after the battle of Fredericksburg, where the unit suffered fearsome casualties, because of having trouble in enlisting recruits. // Conyngham intended to leave behind him the “correct memories” of the Irish Brigade, which were characterized by Irish soldiers’ supreme loyalty to the Union and the oblivion of the Emancipation Proclamation and the Draft Riots. Corby added the solidarity among all the Christian soldiers to Conyngham’s “correct memories” because he was concerned about the revival of nativism caused by floods of new immigrants in the late 19th century and the decline of Liberals in the Catholic Church and intended to appeal for religious tolerance. Mulholland added the memory of the solidarity between born Americans and immigrants in the battlefields because he intended to reveal the role of immigrants in the American society in order to resist nativism.

著者

近藤 孝弘

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.18-25, 2011-03

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特集:歴史と和解 : 歴史教育の現在

著者

酒井 啓子

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.28-35, 2008-03

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特集1 : 反米 : その歴史と構造

著者

久野 愛

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.128-140, 2009-03

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論文

著者

松田 春香

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.135-152, 2005-03

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Outpost Countries'in East Asia, such as South Korea and Taiwan, proposed to make 'anticommunist'security pacts in order to get U.S. military support and strengthen their security since the international environment surrounding them had changed. They suggested making a 'Pacific Pact'in 1949, to be followed with 'The Asian People Anti-communist League (APACL)'after the Korean War. But South Korea and Taiwan could not reach a consensus on Japanese participation. That is why APACL, establisehd in 1954, could not get any support from the U.S., so became far from a collective security pact. On the other hand, the U.S. changed its policy and entered into bilateral security pacts with East Asian countries because it felt threatened by China. Furthermore, because it had become impossible for France to win in the First Indochina War in 1954, the U.S. asked other countries, including Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, to cooperate in Indochina and tried to integrate this military cooperation into the collective security pacts. Eventually, the U.S. failed to develop a security pact among Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan due to worsening Japan-Korea relations. Consequently, the bilateral security pacts have been maintained and not been changed into a collective security pact in Northeast Asia. The proposals to make the collective security pacts by both 'Outpost Countries'in East Asia and U.S. had failed, but when the U.S. promoted close military relations among non-communist countries, the 'outpost countries'cooperated with them. APACL played a part in their cooperation.

著者

加藤 祐三

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.9-18, 2005-03

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The aim of this article is to reconsider the meaning of the Treaty of Peace and Amity between Japan and the United States of America signed at Yokohama on March 31, 1854 and to place it in the context of world history and Japanese history. When proceeding with the analysis, I considered three issues: (1) war and diplomacy two expressions of international politics, which are still as important today as in the 1850s given current international politics; (2) a comparison of Japan-U.S. diplomatic power, which is the key when negotiations take place between states; and (3) the avoidance of outdated views of history, which is important to understanding modern history. Since Commodore Perry's expedition to Japan and the Japanese encounter with the West was a big event in our history, many documents and materials are reserved in both countries including pictures and prints. Although it is necessary to analyze this chain of events-the cause, the process and the results of the first official U.S.-Japan political negotiation-by a pluralistic approach, this article exclusively analyzes two factors: one is the purpose of Commodore Perry's expedition to Japan (cause) and the other is the negotiation between Japan and the U.S. (process), that enabled both sides to avoid war through the talks of Uraga in 1853 and of Yokohama in 1854. The Treaty of Peace and Amity (result), which eventually led to the opening of Japan, can be highly evaluated because it was a negotiated treaty that was not accompanied by war. Modern Japan was founded on "the modern international regime of four pieces of polity" (the Great Powers, the colony, the loss treaty nation and the negotiation treaty nation), which later changed its feature in 1895, 1905 and 1945.

著者

服部 雅子

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.112-127, 2009-03

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論文Articles本稿は、トルーマン政権期の連邦民間防衛局(FCDA)が、民間防衛への市民の動員を目的に実施した一連の宣伝・教育事業に着目し、そこで将来の戦争がどう語られたかを考察する。民間防衛に関する従来の研究の多くは、1945 年の夏に原爆が開発されて以来、民間防衛は原爆対策として行われるようになった、という前提に立つ。しかしながら、民間防衛を通じて人々が描いた戦争像は、果たして原爆の登場とともに即座に変化したのであろうか。1940 年代末の米ソ対立の危機的悪化を受けて設立されたFCDAは、全国的な民間防衛体制構築のために1750 万人の市民の参加が必要であると想定し、人々に民間防衛の急務を訴えるための様々な事業に着手した。まず、各地で民間防衛の指導を担う人材の養成機関が設立され、卒業生は全米各地で市民の動員と指導に当たった。大学の研究機関や各種メディアも大きく貢献した。さらに、トルーマン期FCDAの一大事業として、1952 年に一連の「アラート・アメリカ」事業が実施された。これは、民間防衛に関する展示品を載せたトラックが全国各地に出向き、訪問先で展示行事を催す企画を中心に、人々に民間防衛への参加を促そうとするものであった。展示では、現代戦の恐怖や民間防衛の手順が、人々の五感に訴える特殊効果を駆使して説明された。以上の事業を通じ、米国本土が攻撃対象となる「次の戦争」では、敵は、原爆をその攻撃の中核としながらも、焼夷弾、細菌・化学兵器、破壊活動等を含むあらゆる攻撃手段を総動員して戦うと想定された。すなわち、市民を敵の攻撃による被害から守るべく民間防衛に精力を注いだ人々の間では、原爆の登場によって即座に戦争観が「核戦争」へと変化したわけではなかったのである。当時の人々の描いた「次の戦争」は、「核戦争」より、先の大戦の「総力戦」に近いものであった。

著者

Garry Ann

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.99-111, 2008-03

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寄稿

著者

Araki Junko

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.77-93, 2003-03

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This paper focuses on the narrative of Elizabeth Knapp's possession in 1671 and attempts to explain the occurrence of witchcraft as a form of religious enthusiasm. This narrative is well known as a detailed and quintessentially demoniac description in early New England. Because social expectations within the historical setting determine the authenticity of possession, the narrative reflects the kind of religious experiences that ministers and people in the colony shared. During Knapp's possession, the central issue was whether she had signed the devil's compact. Her master and pastor, Samuel Willard, cautiously and patiently led her to the confession, which was a ritual of cleansing and restoring her to the divine territory. Knapp responded to him well. Both of them faithfully fulfilled roles consistent with the contemporary idea of witch-craft despite a slight difference in ministerial ideas and popular beliefs of it. When Knapp confessed, she suffered from such pains and displayed spectacular body languages, both of which were archetypal features of religious enthusiasm. She even wanted God's goodness during those fits, although she was mostly under the control of the devil. As a truly godly person in her heart, Knapp wanted to be saved. Her possession can be then explained as a somatic conversion experience, which was extraordinary and would not have been accepted by the Puritan orthodoxy. Thus, witchcraft has its place in the history of religious enthusiasm in New England from heresies such as Antinomians to revivals such as Jonathan Edwards.

著者

加治屋 健司

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.105-117, 2005-03

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This paper investigates the ways in which American art critic Clement Greenberg transformed his art criticism in relation to the revival of figurative paintings among young artists in downtown New York in the 1950s. Greenberg has been considered to be a lifelong advocator of abstract art. In his early stage, Greenberg contended that advanced art should be abstract through emphasis on its own medium rather than on what it represents. The 1950s, however, saw the emergence of figurative painters who were inspired largely by Willem de Kooning's Woman I, the painting that broke away from the burden of abstraction. Their popularity urged Greenberg to reconsider the significance of abstract art, discovering the important role of visuality as a common ground between abstract and representational art. He thus came to recognize the importance of abstract art once again because it tells us more clearly how to apprehend the visual features of works of art than representational art does. Greenberg's propagation of abstract art in the 1960s should be considered not to be the extension of his reductionist position in the 1940s but rather to be the consequence of his attention to the visual function of abstract art which he discovered through his experience of figurative paintings in the 1950s

著者

日高 優

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.147-162, 2002-03

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This paper aims to analyze the street as a topos in contemporary American photography. Historians of photography claim that contemporary American photography originated with the work of William Klein and Robert Frank, photographers who viewed American culture from an alien, critical perspective. In contrast, more recent photographers, who learned from these two pioneers how to use their cameras for more personal purposes, represent the street as a place to encounter people and to frame them extemporaneously. In this paper I will consider a representative of the new generation, Garry Winogrand, as a street photographer. As with his contemporaries, Winogrand never plans his photos in advance. After reading Winogrand's photographs from the perspective of photographic technique and content, I will discuss the meaning of his photographs both from his point of view and from that of the viewer. Photographs of streets become conduits not only of the photographer's but also of the viewer's memory. The memory of the photographer and the viewer passes back and forth through the medium of the image. Through visual stereotypes of experience, the memory of the photographer and of the viewer penetrates the photograph and is released into the image. Likewise, in the opposite direction, the image works upon their memories. Through the two-way circuit of the image and the viewer, images of the street reappear as a common topos of memory. The topos of street comes into being only through the photographic event.

著者

三吉 美加

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.183-201, 2002-03

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Dancing is indispensable to Dominican life. At the same time, the popularity of Hip Hop has been influential to the youth in the Dominican neighborhood in New York City. This paper explores how the learning of Dominican dances has affected the youth in terms of the knowing of "how to move". I examine the developing desire of the youth for finding of African and Dominican styles in quotidian lives, as well as in Hip Hop and Dominican dance lessons, as a result of the learning of dances. The experiences as blacks in the US society are certainly implicated in their findings of "African" styles. Paying attentions to the achievements through the dance practices, such as self-esteem and sophisticated eyes towards bodily movements, I point out the subjective construction of being a person as Dominican and as black in their daily negotiations. Moreover, the bodily experience, characterized as "flow" invites them to learn more about the activities that involve their bodies, which in this case, dancing. In observing the people in the neighborhood, they have come to be aware of essential bodily styles that are expressed in behaviors and gestures. And they have implicitly studied it through the dances both in Dominican dances and Hip Hop. Through this whole process, they developed "bodily bilingualism", motivated by the dance lessons. The "bodily bilingualism" further promotes the adhesion to their living in the Hip Hop world in the Dominican neighborhood.

著者

黒柳 米司

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.157-171, 2001-03

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Only one year after his globally-appreciated inauguration, President Abdurrahman been besieged by the hostile forces both in the parliament as well as on the streets. It was those same forces that hailed Wahid as the President of Indonesia in October 1999. The inter-national reputation of the President Wahid also waned to the critical extent that even the reevaluation of the stabilizing role of the Indonesian military becomes arguable, that was diametrically opposite to the political atmosphere in the wake of the downfall of the ex-President Soeharto. What made those radical changes take place? Gus Dur, as Wahid is widelly called, has been criticised for failures in three major tasks: promoting democratization, economic rehabilitation, and pacifying restive regions. His poor performance contravenes his overtly adamant attitudes toward increasingly antagonistic MPs, who issued the first memorandum of censure to the President in February 2001. Ironically enough, while there is no reason to doubt Gus Dur's commitment to democracy and reformasi, he is undeniably autocratic in his modus operandi. The trend of globalization or, to be more concrete, global pressures - influences those Indonesian developments in two ways. On the one hand, it may provide the democratic enthusiasts with incentives for as well as models of democratization. Internet technologies, among others, helps democratic NGOs in an unprecedented manner, for them to make their appeals heeded and find a trusty shield from possible sanctions by the regime. On the other hand, it may backfire by instigating nationalistic repercussions to external pressures perceived by the locals - both government and populace as biased and illegitimate interference. As a matter of fact, global standards, rather often than not, used to represent the views and values of the Western, developed nations which the developing nations, specially in Asia, are skeptical of and resentful of as well. he government of President Abdurrahman Wahid could be dubbed as a 'mezzanine regime'in the sense that it could climb up the stairs leading to a fully democratic Indonesia on he one hand, or descend downward to an autocratic military regime on the other. The international community, therefore, should not take democratization in Wahid's Indonesia for ranted. While the former President Soeharto has politically deceased, those pro-Soeharto elements are far from extinguished from positions of power in central and local governments. hey could make use of anti-Wahid momentum - both local and global - as an excuse to make a come-back.

著者

有賀 貞 砂田 一郎 佐藤 宏子

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.165-185, 2008-03

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上杉忍・巽孝之編著『アメリカの文明と自画像』Shinobu Uesugi and Takayuki Tatsumi. eds. American Civilization : Reflections on Self-Reflections (2006) : 紀平英作・油井大三郎編著『グローバリゼーションと帝国』Eisaku Kihira and Daizaburo Yui, eds. Globalization and Empire (2006)//古矢旬・山田史郎編著『権力と暴力』Jun Furuya and Shiro Yamada, eds. Power and Violence (2007) : 秋山英一・小塩和人編著『豊かさと環境』Eiichi Akimoto and Kazuto Oshio, eds. Affuence vs. Environment (2006)//久保文明・有賀夏紀編著『個人と国家の間(家族・団体・運動)』Fumiaki Kubo and Natsuki Aruga, eds. Between the Individual and the State : Families, Associations, and Movements (2007) : 荒このみ・生井英考編著『文化の受容と変貌』Konomi Ara and Eikoh Ikui, eds. Transcultural Relationship of Japan and US in Modern Era (2007)

著者

川口 悠子

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.227-242, 2006-03

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本論文では、広島の原爆被害について、戦後日本ではどのような記憶が構築され浸透していったのかという問いを検討するため、1945年から1947年夏までの間の広島の状況と全国的な状況について、広島の地方紙と全国紙の記事の比較分析をおこなった。//第一節では、敗戦から占領軍の駐留開始までのあいだに、多くの日本人が原爆による被害の状況を知る機会があったことを示した。これは、敗戦によって日本政府の情報統制が緩み、原爆被害についての生々しい報道が数多くなされたためである。その後、占領軍(GHQ/SCAP)が到着し検閲を開始したため、原爆報道は急減していった。//第二節では広島の地方紙の記事とし当局者の発言の中で繰り返されたナラティヴの特徴を分析した。このナラティヴは、原爆投下によって軍事都市としての広島が消滅し、また世界平和が訪れたとして、広島はローカル・トランスナショナル双方の意味において「平和のシンボル」となったと主張するものだった。しかし、このような主張は必ずしも本心からなされたものではなく、むしろGHQ/SCAPの検閲の影響や復興資金獲得への動きなど、実際的な理由に基づくものだったと考えられる。//第三節では、前節で見た「平和のシンボル」論は、広島では報道はされたもののナショナルな文脈には位置づけられず、また全国紙は敗戦直後には原爆被害に多くの誌面を割いたにも関わらず、このような主張を報道することもほとんどなかったこと、すなわち原爆被害に対する関心にはローカルとナショナルなレベルでギャップがあったことを明らかにした。

著者

富澤 達三

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.31-40, 2005-03

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1. Kawaraban in the Edo Period In the last days of the Tokugawa Shogunate, many kinds of Kawaraban (used as News sources of the commonalty) were published in the metropolis like Edo and Osaka. In the past, it was said that the oldest Kawaraban prints were published in the days of the Osaka War (1615), but the recent research has brought a new theory that they were made in earlier period. Kawaraban had several distinctive features. * news were their main contents * people paid money to read them * instant prints* publisher was anonymous * no fixed format and low quality prints There were many kinds of news printed in the Kawaraban such as catastrophe (fire, earthquake and eruption), murder cases (Katakiuchi (vengeance) or Shinju (double suicide)), strange incidents (appearance of monster or ghost), and the arrival of the foreign ships called Kurofune. The Edo-bakufu strictly prohibited production and selling of the prints that dealt with such topics. But in the end of Edo-era, enormous amount of public prints were produced for the mass while the censorships by Edo-bakufu became nominal, and Kawaraban were published openly. In particular, big fires broke out frequently in Edo and the Kawaraban often reported their damages. The disaster information of the Kawaraban was relatively credible, and therefore served to calm people's fears and also transmitted the situations of the damages from Edo to provinces. 2. Kawaraban of Black Ships (Kurofune Kawaraban) In 1853 (Kaei-6), Admiral Perry voyaged to Uraga, and urged Japan to start commerce. Edo was thrown into an uproar, and hundreds of Kawaraban which informed this incident were produced. These "Kurofune Kawaraban" told the people the circumstance by the stereotypical images and some fultual information. The Kurofune Kawaraban were non-censored illegal prints, and many of them were one-sheet-type. It was rare that such printings containing political information were published in a large quantity and were purchased by the general public. In this paper, I will analyze the image of the Kurofune Kawaraban, and examine their roles in the public world.

著者

松田 春香

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.135-152, 2005-03

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Outpost Countries'in East Asia, such as South Korea and Taiwan, proposed to make 'anticommunist'security pacts in order to get U.S. military support and strengthen their security since the international environment surrounding them had changed. They suggested making a 'Pacific Pact'in 1949, to be followed with 'The Asian People Anti-communist League (APACL)'after the Korean War. But South Korea and Taiwan could not reach a consensus on Japanese participation. That is why APACL, establisehd in 1954, could not get any support from the U.S., so became far from a collective security pact. On the other hand, the U.S. changed its policy and entered into bilateral security pacts with East Asian countries because it felt threatened by China. Furthermore, because it had become impossible for France to win in the First Indochina War in 1954, the U.S. asked other countries, including Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, to cooperate in Indochina and tried to integrate this military cooperation into the collective security pacts. Eventually, the U.S. failed to develop a security pact among Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan due to worsening Japan-Korea relations. Consequently, the bilateral security pacts have been maintained and not been changed into a collective security pact in Northeast Asia. The proposals to make the collective security pacts by both 'Outpost Countries'in East Asia and U.S. had failed, but when the U.S. promoted close military relations among non-communist countries, the 'outpost countries'cooperated with them. APACL played a part in their cooperation.

著者

加治屋 健司

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.105-117, 2005-03

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This paper investigates the ways in which American art critic Clement Greenberg transformed his art criticism in relation to the revival of figurative paintings among young artists in downtown New York in the 1950s. Greenberg has been considered to be a lifelong advocator of abstract art. In his early stage, Greenberg contended that advanced art should be abstract through emphasis on its own medium rather than on what it represents. The 1950s, however, saw the emergence of figurative painters who were inspired largely by Willem de Kooning's Woman I, the painting that broke away from the burden of abstraction. Their popularity urged Greenberg to reconsider the significance of abstract art, discovering the important role of visuality as a common ground between abstract and representational art. He thus came to recognize the importance of abstract art once again because it tells us more clearly how to apprehend the visual features of works of art than representational art does. Greenberg's propagation of abstract art in the 1960s should be considered not to be the extension of his reductionist position in the 1940s but rather to be the consequence of his attention to the visual function of abstract art which he discovered through his experience of figurative paintings in the 1950s

著者

荒木 純子

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.227-239, 2002-03

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