著者
本多 康子
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)
巻号頁・発行日
no.43, pp.297-318, 2017-03-16

源頼光とその家来である四天王が土蜘蛛を退治する説話は、様々な文芸作品として享受され展開していった。土蜘蛛は、古くは記紀神話において朝廷に服属しない一地方勢力としてその存在が語られていたが、中世になり、お伽草子の武家物というジャンルの中で新たに妖怪退治譚として再構築された。この中世における物語文脈の転換を契機として、妖怪としての土蜘蛛退治の「語り」は、テクストの枠を超えて絵画や芸能へと裾野を広げて展開したのである。本稿では、特に中近世にかけての土蜘蛛退治譚の変遷と、それを題材に制作された絵画作品がどのように受容されたかを考察する。清和源氏を出自とする源頼光とその家来である四天王らの妖怪退治譚が、軍記物語に付随する伝承として生成されやがて独立した物語として発展した背景には、中近世にかけて軍記物語の古典化と周辺説話の再編成がなされたことが密接に関連する。とりわけそれらの最たる受容者であった「武家の棟梁」将軍家周辺による「語り」の管理と継承が及ぼした影響について着目し、「武家による妖怪退治譚」に仮託された政治性を読み解きたい。The tale of how Minamoto no Yorimitsu (948-1021) and his four faithful vassals vanquished the tsuchigumo, a proud band of warriors unwilling to submit to central authority, has been adapted into various genres of both art and literature. The Kojiki (Records of ancient matters, 712) and the Nihon shoki (Chronicles of Japan, 720) preserve tales of these recalcitrant warriors, describing them as dwelling on the periphery and spurning the authority of a growing court. During the medieval period, these accounts were adopted into a new genre of warrior tales (buke mono), where the tsuchigumo warriors took on the appearance of demonic rebels. Having once entered the realm of demonic villains, these same recalcitrant warriors became, as it were, too large for the confines of mere text. These fantastic tsuchigumo were promptly appropriated into the visual and performative arts, where they took on a number of interesting guises. This paper explores some ways in which tales of the tsuchigumo warriors were transformed throughout the early modern period, and how illustrated works based on these same tales were received in contemporary literature and art. While Minamoto no Yorimitsu’s subjugation of the tsuchigumo began as but one short episode within a larger military tale, it was later elevated to the status of an independent narrative in its own right. This elevation was motivated by the canonization of military fiction, as well as the re-adaptation of related tales, which took place during the early modern period. The control and transmission of these tales was dominated, of course, by the shogunal family, the very people who most enjoyed these tales. This paper aims at probing the political significance of such tales insofar as they were simultaneously produced and consumed by the warrior class.
著者
小山 順子
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)
巻号頁・発行日
no.42, pp.1-28, 2016-03-12

日本文学史および和歌文学史において、中世後期は女性の活躍がほとんど知られない時代である。著名な女性作者も存在せず、作品もほとんど伝わらない。そうした中、国立歴史民俗博物館蔵高松宮旧蔵本『内裏女中月次続歌』は、文明十六年(一四八四)から文明十八年にかけて行われた八度の三十首続歌を収めるもので、出詠歌人のうち十三名が女性であることが特徴である。室町時代後期の女性歌人による詠歌は、これまで断片的にしか伝わらなかったため、女性歌人に関する貴重な資料である。『内裏女中月次続歌』の出詠歌人を比定し、どのような出自・経歴であったのかを検討すると、後土御門天皇の近親者もしくは身近に仕えていた後宮女官を中心とすることが判明する。また、『内裏女中月次続歌』が披講・参会を伴わない短冊のみの詠進であり、これは禁裏の月次和歌を模したためと推測する。さらに、勅撰和歌集撰進の希望が残っていたこの時代、勅撰和歌集を視野に入れた催しであった可能性を考えた。In the history of Japanese literature and the history of traditional Japanese poetry, women did not cut conspicuous figures in the last part of the Medieval period. There is no famous poet or famous works by women authors. Under such situation, “The Monthly Poetry by Imperial Court Ladies (内裏女中月次続歌)”, owned by the National Museum of Japanese History, was reported. This book contained eight times of monthly poetry that performed from 1484 through 1486 presented by 5 men and 13 women. This study clarified the identification of persons.
著者
小林 健二
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)
巻号頁・発行日
no.43, pp.1-55, 2017-03-16

『舞の本絵巻』は江戸初期に刊行された絵入り版本「舞の本」三十六番を粉本に制作された大部で豪華な揃いの大型絵巻である。三十六番が絵巻として作られたと想定できるが、現在は散逸して国内外に十二軸十五番のものと六軸十一番の二系統の伝本が確認できる。それらを悉皆調査して「舞の本」から豪華な絵巻へと作られた様相を考察し、同時代の文芸享受史への位置づけをはかった。さらに、「舞の本」を粉本として豪華な絵本も同じ工房で作られたこと、これらの豪華な絵巻・絵本が松平家などの大名によって注文制作されたことにも言及した。また、現存する幸若舞曲を題材とした絵巻・絵本を概観できるように「幸若舞曲の絵入り本一覧稿(増補改訂)」を付した。The Illustrated Scrolls of Mainohon, grand both in number and size, gorgeously illustrated, were based on an early Edo-period woodblock edition of Mainohon, which was itself embellished throughout with pictures. Though this set of scrolls most probably included, in its original form, illustrations of all thirty-six kōwaka dances lyrics, extant versions contain only a portion of that number: one lineage of this work contains illustrations from fifteen dances in twelve scrolls, while the other contains illustrations for eleven dances in six scrolls. By examining all extant editions of this set of scrolls, I have attempted to trace the process whereby the picture-book Mainohon was at last transformed into the Illustrated Scrolls of Mainohon, as well as the latter’s place in the overall history of Edo-period art and literature. I discuss, furthermore, how the workshop which produced these illustrated scrolls also produced a number of other, similarly gorgeous picture-book editions, all based on the aforementioned Mainohon. All of these-illustrated scrolls and picture-books alike-were produced in response to requests made by the powerful daimyo family known as the Matsudaira clan. In order, finally, to facilitate a broader understanding of the field, I have thought it best to append a list of all extant illustrated books dealing with kōwaka dances lyrics.
著者
石井 香絵
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)
巻号頁・発行日
no.43, pp.147-181, 2017-03-16

明治二一年、フランス留学から帰国した合田清は、洋画家山本芳翠とともに生巧館を設立し、日本に本格的な木口木版の技術をもたらした。初期の新聞附録から雑誌の表紙、挿絵、口絵、教科書の口絵、挿絵、広告、商標、パッケージなどの多くの複製メディアに登場し、生巧館は出版文化の隆盛とともにその活動が広く知られることとなった。しかしその全貌については不明な点が多く、研究も充分には進められていない。国文学研究資料館には生巧館が残した木口木版による膨大な数の清刷り(印刷にかける前の試し刷り)が所蔵されている。本稿では特定研究「生巧館制作による木口木版の研究―国文学研究資料館所蔵品を中心に」のこれまでの研究成果をふまえ、生巧館設立前後の時代を見直しつつ当館所蔵品の美術および歴史的価値について考察する。初期新聞附録の時代、続く雑誌・教科書の時代、後年の時代それぞれの活動状況と所蔵品がどのように関連づけられるか検討し、併せて所蔵品を手がかりに生巧館の活動の一端を明らかにしていくことを試みる。The wood block artist Gōda Kiyoshi (1862-1938) returned to Japan from a period of study in France in the twenty-first year of Meiji (1888). It was at this time that he united with Yamamoto Hōsui (1850-1906), an artist skilled in Western painting, to form the Seikō Society, which was dedicated to transmitting the techniques of wood engraving throughout Japan. The Seikō Studio, working in a time when publishing culture was at its peak, became widely known for their woodblock prints, many of which appeared in such mass-produced media as newspapers, magazines, textbooks, advertisements, as well as on business signs and the packaging for various products. Despite their fame, current research has yet to offer us a convincing picture of the overall activities of the Seikō Studio. The National Institute of Japanese Literature (NIJL) has in its possession an enormous number of test prints-those made in order to test the quality of theoriginal engraving before mass production - taken from woodblock engravings produced by the Seikō Studio. By taking into account research already conducted at NIJL on this subject, and by reexamining those historical circumstances surrounding the establishment of the Seikō Studio, this paper aims at evaluating these test prints in respect to both their artistic as well as their historical value. I will attempt, through an examination of these objects, to give a clear picture of the development of the studio’s work, tracing its appearance, first in newspapers, then in magazines and textbooks, and finally, later on, in other forms of media.
著者
張 培華
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)
巻号頁・発行日
no.43, pp.319-349, 2017-03-16

『枕草子』と『源氏物語』における『白氏文集』の影響についての研究には、引用の視点一つをとっても多種多様な考察がある。しかし、『枕草子』と『源氏物語』の両作品全体と『白氏文集』との関係や、その受容の温度差にまでふれたものについては、管見の限り見えない。そこで具体的な引用の箇所を綱羅するだけでなく、その分析に取り組むことが、本稿の目的である。結論的なことから言えば、清少納言と紫式部の両作品における『白氏文集』への好尚は歴然と分れていると言える。白居易は自らの作品を諷諭、閑適、感傷、雑律詩に四分類したが、その部類の観点で『枕草子』と『源氏物語』の両作品を分析すると、『枕草子』の方が感傷詩の引用数が多いことがわかる。また感傷詩に分類される「長恨歌」は、『枕草子』に一箇所引かれるのに対し、『源氏物語』では十二箇所の引用が指摘され、圧倒的に多い。さらに清少納言は『枕草子』の中で、意識的に感傷詩の表現を借りて、父藤原道隆を失った定子の悲況を表し、定子自身も自ら感傷詩を念頭に置く詠歌を行っていた。その結果、感傷詩が多くなったといえよう。このように、清少納言と紫式部の感傷詩の引用の差異に着目して、両作品の性格の本質を考察することを試みる次第である。It is possible, even when looking at something as simple as quotations of Bai Juyi’s anthology in such works as Makura no sōshi (Pillow book, c. 995-1004) and Genji monogatari (Tale of Genji, 1001), to take a number of differing approaches. As far as I can see, however, no attempts have yet been made to explore the overall relationships between these two last works, on the one hand, and Bai Juyi’s anthology, on the other, or the varying degrees to which each of these Japanese works incorporate that poetry. Far from compiling a mere glossary of quotations, this paper provides detailed analysis of a number of such quotations. Simply put, I argue that the Pillow Book and the Tale of Genji show obvious differences in the way their authors approached Bai Juyi’s poetry. The poet himself divided his poetry into four categories, namely, satirical verses, verses on leisure and tranquility, verses of lamentation, and miscellaneous verses. Interestingly, the author of the Pillow Book has drawn the majority of her quotations from Bai Juyi’s verses of lamentation. Whereas the Pillow Book contains only one quotation taken from Bai Juyi ’ s famous Changhenge (Song of sorrow), the Tale of Genji contains a total of twelve quotations from this lengthy poem. Furthermore, the author of the Pillow Book has very deliberately employed a number of expressions taken from Bai Juyi’s verses of lamentation, not only, in her capacity of narrator, when describing the sorrow felt by Teishi at the loss of her father, but also in those verses spoken from Teishi’s own lips. This paper, by looking closely at the ways in which these two Japanese authors employ the poetry if Bai Juyi, especially his verses of lamentation, seeks to gain a clearer understanding of their works.
著者
景井 詳雅
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)
巻号頁・発行日
no.43, pp.117-145, 2017-03-16

平安時代には『萬葉集』を抄出した抄出本が存在し、萬葉歌享受において重要な位置を占めていたと考えられるのだが、古筆切のみの現存であるためその実態は不明な点が多い。そこで、抄出本『萬葉集』の古筆切の一つ久世切の本文を考察し、その性格の一端を明らかにすることを目的としたのが本稿である。久世切に見える抄出本『萬葉集』は、『萬葉集』の歌順に従って歌を抄出・配列し、歌は仮名でそれ以外の内容は漢字で表記する。その内容は概ね『萬葉集』と対応するが、『萬葉集』の左注や作者名の文言の簡略化、作者名の位置変更、巻に関する表示がないことが確認される。そして、久世切は写本と考えられるため、これらの変容は書承の際に生じたとも考えられる。ただし、以上の変容は平安和歌のありように通じ、他の抄出本『萬葉集』や『萬葉集』を意義分類した類聚古集にも見えることをふまえると、抄出本作成の際に『萬葉集』の内容を変質化しない程度で変更されたものと考えられる。つまり、久世切に見える抄出本『萬葉集』は、『萬葉集』の縮小化を意図した抄出本であり、『萬葉集』に従うことが原則であったと考えられる。その一方で、久世切には、現存の『萬葉集』伝本はもちろん平安和歌の影響や書承過程での変容とも思えない特異な本文も認められる。久世切に見える抄出本『萬葉集』が現存の『萬葉集』伝本とは異なる場で成立した可能性を視野に入れておくべきであろう。During the Heian period, a number of excepted editions of the Man’yōshū (Anthology of myriad leaves, later half of the 8th century) were produced. While it is thought that these excerpted editions played an important role in the anthology’s reception, the fact remains that all extant examples are mere fragments, for which reason a concrete understanding of their overall significance is difficult to obtain. This paper aims at elucidating one aspect of the so-called Kuze Fragment by offering a thorough reading of its text. The excerpted poems found in this fragment have been placed in the same order as they are found in the Man’yōshū. Poems are written in the cursive (kana) syllabary, while all other material is recorded in Sinitic graphs (kanji). While most of the fragment’s content corresponds more-or-less to that of the Man’yōshū, it nevertheless simplifies or alters certain elements found in the latter, such as commentaries, names of poets, omitting altogether any indication of fascicle number. Considering the Kuze Fragment is thought to be a copy of an earlier manuscript, it may be assumed that these alterations and omissions were brought about by the copyist. Considering, however, that similar alterations may also be found in other excerpted editions, as well as various reordered (categorized) editions of the Man’yōshū, it follows that the excerpted editions were altered only within certain limits, such that the content of the original poems would not actually be changed. That is to say, the Kuze Fragment may be understood as an abridged version of the Man’yōshū, one which sought not to manipulate but to faithfully reproduce the content of its base text. On the other hand, this Kuze Fragment does contain a number of very curious passages which cannot be attributed merely to later developments in Heian poetry or the error of a copyist. We must not rule out the possibility, then, that the Man’yōshū upon which this Kuze Fragment was based might have been produced under a different set of circumstances than those manuscripts extant today.
著者
岩橋 清美
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)
巻号頁・発行日
no.42, pp.61-90, 2016-03-12

本論文は、一九世紀初頭における日光をめぐる歴史意識について、植田孟縉の『日光山志』と竹村立義の『日光巡拝図誌』をもとに論じるものである。『日光山志』は五巻五冊からなり、天保七年(一八三六)に刊行されたもので、日光に関する最もまとまった内容を持つ地誌である。その内容は中世以来の山岳霊場としての歴史から書きはじめられ、山内の景観・建物の構造・奥日光の動植物・日光周辺地域の人々の暮らしにまで及ぶ。孟縉は、東照宮だけではなく周辺地域を含めて「日光」であることを示し、江戸幕府の権威の象徴として描いている。こうした、彼の歴史意識は、八王子千人同心という身分集団に属していたことに規定されていると言える。これに対し竹村立義は、東照宮というこれまで秘匿されてきたものを、豊富な挿絵で視覚化し、自らの考証を加えて『日光巡拝図誌』を編纂した。特に注目されるのは、武家であっても容易に入ることができない奥院御廟を様子や東遊・延年之舞といった儀式を描いた挿絵である。『日光山志』が日光山全体を詳細に記述しているのに対し、『日光巡拝図誌』は参詣者の興味関心を中心にまとめられた書物と言えよう。両者の日光へのアプローチは非常に対照的ではあるが、二つの地誌に共通することは、日光に関するまとまった情報を読者に提供し、東照宮をより民衆に開かれた存在にしたことである。その背景には参詣者の増加や東照宮信仰の広がりがある。こうした東照宮をめぐる社会の変化が東照宮の書物化を可能にし、多くの読者を生み出したと言えよう。二つの地誌は、まさに一九世紀初頭の読者を意識したものであり、これらを通して日光の歴史化が図られたのである。This paper discusses historical perceptions of Nikko at the beginning of the 19th Century based on the "Nikko Sanshi Topography" by Moshin Ueda and the "Nikko Pilgrimage Topology" by Ritsugi Takemura. Consisting of five scrolls and five booklets, the "Nikko Sanshi Topography" was published in the seventh year of the Tenpo era (1836) and is the most coherent topography of the Nikko region. The work begins with a history of sacred places in the mountains existing from theMiddle Ages and goes on to describe and illustrate mountain scenery, the structure of buildings, the fauna and flora of the Nikko region and the daily lives of people in its environs. Moshin depicts Nikko as a symbol of the authority of the Edo Shogunate that comprises not only the Tosho-gu Shrine, but also the surrounding areas. Moshin's historical perceptions can be seen as deriving from the Hachioji Sennin Doshin (junior officials in Hachioji), the social rank to which he belonged.In contrast, the "Nikko Pilgrimage Topology" is a compilation by Ritsugi Takemura comprising visual illustrations of previously obscure aspects of the "Tosho-gu Shrine" with additional historical commentary by the author. One particular feature of note is the illustrations of the appearance of the "inner shrine," access to which was difficult even for members of the samurai class, and events such as the "Azuma Asobi," an ancient Japanese dance suite that originated in eastern Japan, as well as the "Ennen no Mai," or "longevity dance." In contrast with the "Nikko Sanshi Topography," the "Nikko Pilgrimage Topology" can be thought of as a work that focuses on the interests and concerns of pilgrims.While there is a sharp contrast between the approaches of the two authors, one element that their works share is that they both depict "Nikko," an area for which no topologies had previously been compiled, bringing the world of the Tosho-gu Shrine closer to the common people. In the background to this lie the growing numbers of pilgrims and the spread of the religion of the Tosho-gu Shrine. It is likely that it was such social changes as these revolving around the Tosho-gu Shrine that made it possible to present the shrine in book form and thus gave rise to a great many readers. Without a doubt, these two topologies were compiled with an awareness of readers at the beginning of the 19th Century and presented the historicization of Nikko in graphic form.
著者
井内 美由起
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)
巻号頁・発行日
no.43, pp.85-115, 2017-03-16

本稿では、夏目漱石『彼岸過迄』の第四篇「雨の降る日」とイプセン原作「人形の家」の関係について考察する。なぜなら、女性の自覚を扱った劇として評判を呼んだ「人形の家」との一致と差異を明らかにすることによって、「雨の降る日」の同時代性を明らかにすることができるからである。「人形の家」のノラが子供たちを人形のように可愛がったように、「雨の降る日」の千代子も宵子を人形のように可愛がる。「人形の家」において、「人形」とは女が父や夫から愛されようとして、すすんで彼らの気に入る女らしさを内面化することを表すメタファーであった。千代子が宵子を人形のように扱う行為もまた、千代子自身の疎外を表すメタファーとして解釈することができる。宵子の死とは人形化されたことによる死、つまり女が自ら性的規範を内面化することの悲劇なのである。さらに、以上のような文脈は第三篇「停留所」に接続されることによって、消費社会における女性の地位への批判として読むことが可能である。しかし、ノラが疎外の現実を自覚するのに対して、千代子は自らが疎外されていることに気付かない。このことは二つのテクストにおける人称の差異に表れている。「人形の家」は女主人公が愛のために自らを犠牲にすることを美徳とする価値観をこそ批判したのであるが、「雨の降る日」は犠牲を美しい行為として語っており、結局は女性の従属を肯定している、と論じた。This paper examines the relationship between the fourth chapter of Natsume Sōseki ’ s (1867-1916) novel Higan sugi made (To the spring equinox and beyond, 1912) and Henrik Ibsen’s (1828-1906) play A Doll’s House (1879). Ibsen’s play is famous for its portrayal of a woman who has become conscious of her own womanhood. A discussion of similarities and differences between this play and the fourth chapter of Sōseki’s novel reveals the political import of the latter. Just as Nora, the protagonist of A Doll’s House, dearly loved her children, so, too, does Sōseki’s Chiyoko dearly love her uncle’s daughter, Yoiko. In Ibsen’s play, the doll is a metaphor for a girl or woman who, having become an object of affection for her father or husband, eventually internalizes the sort of femininity most pleasing to her male guardian. Chiyoko’s treatment of Yoiko as a sort of doll may be understood as a metaphor for her own sense of disconnectedness. Yoiko's death was the result of the child having been transformed into a doll - the tragedy, that is, of having willingly internalized a self-destructive image of femininity. Moreover, Sōseki’s fourth chapter, following as it does upon the third, may also be read as a criticism of a woman ’ s place in consumerist economy. Whereas Nora eventually became aware of her marginalized existence, Chiyoko remains ignorant of her own condition. This fact is revealed through the differing ways in which the two authors use personal pronouns. It was believed that the woman who sacrificed her own dreams for the sake of love was a paragon of virtue. While Nora openly repudiates such an ideal, Chiyoko readily embraces this same ideal. I argue, therefore, that Sōseki’s Chiyoko serves as a means of validating the subservient role of women.
著者
江戸 英雄
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)
巻号頁・発行日
no.43, pp.57-84, 2017-03-16

表題の「嵯峨院の六十の賀」ほか、うつほ物語とその年立を考えるうえで重要な事柄を論じ、物語の方法の一端も明らかにしてみた。The Use of chronological table is proposed for resolving the dissonance of some past annotation studies on the tale of cavern. This paper's title "The Celebration of the 60th Former Emperor Saga's birthday" is one of the most important matters on it.
著者
酒井 茂幸
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)
巻号頁・発行日
no.42, pp.119-149, 2016-03-12

稿者はこれまで、中世から近世に至る、禁裏・仙洞御文庫における蔵書形成の歴史を明らかにする目録学的研究を行ってきた。本稿では宮内庁書陵部蔵『歌書目録』収載の定数歌・歌会の蔵書群を主に取り上げ、霊元院の仙洞の読書を支えた歌書の書写や収蔵について考察する。宮内庁書陵部蔵『歌書目録』収載の定数歌・歌会の中には、久保木秀夫によって万治四年(一六六一)の禁裏火災により焼失した伝本の副本と認定された三四点が含まれる。今回の調査ではこれを上回る五一点が該当することが確認された。すると、霊元院の仙洞御所の御文庫は、後西天皇の禁裏文庫をそのまま引き継いでいることになる。そして、同目録収載の定数歌・歌会には、『新類題和歌集』の編纂時に霊元院とその近臣により歌頭に付された藍色菱形不審紙が三五点に見出される。目録収載の一群の蔵書は、享保年間(一七一六~一七三六) (正確には崩御の一七年)まで霊元院仙洞の御文庫に所蔵されていたことが判明する。院の側近であった烏丸光栄の日記『光栄卿記』に拠ると、享保期には霊元院の仙洞御所において、『新類題和歌集』編纂に際しての「抜書」や「校合」の作業とは関わりのない場面で歌書の献上や書写が行われている。それらの記事からは、院がより書写が古く由来が確かな伝本を探求し、また近世写本の校合による本文研究を行っていたことが知られる。The catalog scholarly study by which a draft person makes the history of ownership formation in an imperial court senhorao library to the modernized world clear from the Middle Ages up to now, I went visit. An ownership group of a fixed number song tanka party of the Imperial Household Agency note Sasakibe warehouse "Utakaki catalog" listing is taken up mainly by writing and it's considered about a copying and keeping of Utakaki who supported reading of senhora in Reigen in.Fixed number song of the Imperial Household Agency note Sasakibe warehouse "Utagaki catalog" listing A duplicate of the handed-down manuscript burned away by imperial court fire in 1661 (1661) and authorized 34 points are included by Mr. Hideo Kuboki in the tanka party. It was confirmed that 51 points which exceed this in this investigation are relevant. Then a library in Sento-gosho in Reigen in will take an imperial court library of Gosai emperor over just as it is. And fixed number song of the said catalog listing The blue rhombic doubtful paper put by the trusted vassal to Kato with Reigen in at the time of compilation of "new similar problem anthology of waka poems" is found by 35 points in a tanka party. It's revealed that you possessed ownership of a group of catalog listing in a library in Reigen insenhora to the Kyoho year (1716-1736) (correctly, 17 years of demise).When it depends on diary of Karasuma Koei which was a staff of in "honor Lord account", extraction on the occasion of "a new similar problem, anthology of waka poems" compilation and work of proofreading are the situation which has no concerning in Sento-gosho in Reigen in in a Kyoho period, and Utakaki's presentation and copying are performed. It's learned from those articles a copying was older and origin searched for a certain handed-down manuscript, and that in was doing a body study by proofreading of a modern period manuscript again.
著者
中嶋 英介
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)
巻号頁・発行日
no.43, pp.183-209, 2017-03-16

本論文は廣瀬豊編纂『山鹿素行全集思想篇』(岩波書店、一九四〇~四二)の翻刻方針や書誌情報を見直したものである。『全集』は廣瀬豊が各地で行った資料調査をもとに収集・編集され、今日までも数々の先行研究で基礎的文献として利用されている。しかし『全集』は数多くの問題点を残した。『治平要録』や『山鹿語類』では朝廷批判や被差別部落に関する用語を削除しており、全て原典に沿って翻刻されたわけではない。また、『治教要録』は広瀬の調査当時に欠本していた巻が別の体裁で現存しており、書誌情報が大きく異なっている。では今後、我々はいかにして素行の文献に触れたらよいのだろうか。平戸山鹿家の文献は、長年平戸積徳堂に所蔵されていたが、明治期に一時松浦伯爵家(豊島区)に移る等、一部点在していた。近年は国文学研究資料館に特別コレクション「山鹿文庫」として移管され、一部史料をのぞいて閲覧可能である。そこには素行の著作のみならず、平戸積徳堂に伝わる文献目録等が所蔵されており、史料点数は一三〇〇以上にものぼる。『全集』の活用自体はあるべきとは思うが、翻刻姿勢に難を抱えるばかりでなく、編纂者廣瀬豊の意向が色濃く残っている。かかる前提のもとで、今後は山鹿文庫等を軸に原典との照合を踏まえた素行研究が必須といえよう。This paper is a reconsideration of the editing decisions and bibliographical history behind the Complete Works of Yamaga Sokō: Philosophical Essays (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1940-1942), edited by Hirose Yutaka. This corpus, the result of Hirose’s efforts at gathering together and editing a large body of otherwise scattered material, has been, and still is, adopted as the base text for studies related to the philosopher Yamaga Sokō (1622-1685). Despite its privileged status, the Complete Works is not free of problems. For example, the essays entitled “Notes on the Art of Governing ” (Chihei yōroku) and “ Classified Sayings of Yamaga ” (Yamaga gorui) contain criticisms of the court along with observations on what are now referred to as outcaste hamlets (hisabetsu buraku, in existence during the Edo period and only nominally abolished in 1871). All of these sensitive passages have been expurgated. The Complete Works, therefore, is by no means a completely faithful reproduction of Yamaga’s writings. Moreover, in reference to bibliographical history, one of the fascicles of “Notes on the Art of Governing” was missing at the time when Hirose conducted his research. Though this missing portion has since been rediscovered, it belongs to a completely different manuscript. The relationship between this fascicle and the manuscript from which Hirose made his reproductions is not yet clear. How exactly we ought to approach Yamaga’s extant writings is still a matter of some uncertainty.The Yamaga family manuscripts were for many years housed in the Sekitokudō at Hirado (Nagasaki). During the beginning of the Meiji period, a portion of these manuscripts was moved to the Matsura mansion (in modern-day Toshima, Tokyo), leaving the collection scattered between two locations. In more recent years, these manuscripts have been transferred to the National Institute of Japanese Literature, where they now form what is known as the Yamaga Collection. Aside from a small number of historical documents, the majority of the collection is available for viewing. This collection consists not only Sokō’s writings, but an assortment of other documents, including bibliographic glossaries, for a total of more than 1,300 items. While the Complete Works is certainly a most useful resource, problems consequent upon Hirose’s editing choices still remain. Careful consultation of the original manuscripts is most certainly required.
著者
景井 詳雅
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)
巻号頁・発行日
no.43, pp.117-145, 2017-03-16

平安時代には『萬葉集』を抄出した抄出本が存在し、萬葉歌享受において重要な位置を占めていたと考えられるのだが、古筆切のみの現存であるためその実態は不明な点が多い。そこで、抄出本『萬葉集』の古筆切の一つ久世切の本文を考察し、その性格の一端を明らかにすることを目的としたのが本稿である。久世切に見える抄出本『萬葉集』は、『萬葉集』の歌順に従って歌を抄出・配列し、歌は仮名でそれ以外の内容は漢字で表記する。その内容は概ね『萬葉集』と対応するが、『萬葉集』の左注や作者名の文言の簡略化、作者名の位置変更、巻に関する表示がないことが確認される。そして、久世切は写本と考えられるため、これらの変容は書承の際に生じたとも考えられる。ただし、以上の変容は平安和歌のありように通じ、他の抄出本『萬葉集』や『萬葉集』を意義分類した類聚古集にも見えることをふまえると、抄出本作成の際に『萬葉集』の内容を変質化しない程度で変更されたものと考えられる。つまり、久世切に見える抄出本『萬葉集』は、『萬葉集』の縮小化を意図した抄出本であり、『萬葉集』に従うことが原則であったと考えられる。その一方で、久世切には、現存の『萬葉集』伝本はもちろん平安和歌の影響や書承過程での変容とも思えない特異な本文も認められる。久世切に見える抄出本『萬葉集』が現存の『萬葉集』伝本とは異なる場で成立した可能性を視野に入れておくべきであろう。During the Heian period, a number of excepted editions of the Man’yōshū (Anthology of myriad leaves, later half of the 8th century) were produced. While it is thought that these excerpted editions played an important role in the anthology’s reception, the fact remains that all extant examples are mere fragments, for which reason a concrete understanding of their overall significance is difficult to obtain. This paper aims at elucidating one aspect of the so-called Kuze Fragment by offering a thorough reading of its text. The excerpted poems found in this fragment have been placed in the same order as they are found in the Man’yōshū. Poems are written in the cursive (kana) syllabary, while all other material is recorded in Sinitic graphs (kanji). While most of the fragment’s content corresponds more-or-less to that of the Man’yōshū, it nevertheless simplifies or alters certain elements found in the latter, such as commentaries, names of poets, omitting altogether any indication of fascicle number. Considering the Kuze Fragment is thought to be a copy of an earlier manuscript, it may be assumed that these alterations and omissions were brought about by the copyist. Considering, however, that similar alterations may also be found in other excerpted editions, as well as various reordered (categorized) editions of the Man’yōshū, it follows that the excerpted editions were altered only within certain limits, such that the content of the original poems would not actually be changed. That is to say, the Kuze Fragment may be understood as an abridged version of the Man’yōshū, one which sought not to manipulate but to faithfully reproduce the content of its base text. On the other hand, this Kuze Fragment does contain a number of very curious passages which cannot be attributed merely to later developments in Heian poetry or the error of a copyist. We must not rule out the possibility, then, that the Man’yōshū upon which this Kuze Fragment was based might have been produced under a different set of circumstances than those manuscripts extant today.