著者
松谷 邦英 マツタニ クニヒデ Kunihide Matsutani
雑誌
国際基督教大学学報. II-B, 社会科学ジャーナル = The Journal of Social Science
巻号頁・発行日
no.60, pp.267-286, 2007-03-31

This essay attempts to explore Rene Girard's theory of violence while paying particular attention to the theme of "violence and political philosophy." Although Girard's works have had a wide influence on various academic fields, they have received little response from political theory or political philosophy. The basic purpose of the present paper is twofold: 1) to shed some light on Girard's theoretical insight which is based on his mimetic theory, and 2) to show that his theory of violence, particularly seen from a political standpoint, has some serious drawbacks in consequence of the mimetic theory. First, I will skeletonize Girard's theory of violence and point out some of its characteristics. The analysis of mimetic desire, on which Girard constructs an "anthropological" theory of sacrificial violence, enables us to gain multitiered and comprehensive understanding of human violence. Second, I will go on to examine how Girard's theory is connected to his diagnosis on modernity. It will be argued that Girard has an ambiguous comprehension of the nature of modern democratic society, since modernity both increases and decreases the potential energy of mimetic violence. I will show that Girard's perspective, especially his critical understanding of the modern jurisprudence, has something in common with W. Benjamin's critique of violence, yet does not lead us to a political critique of violence. Third, I will critically examine why Girard's theoretical construct is lacking in viewpoint that is required for any political critique of violence. This lack, I contend, can be explained by the basic nature of his mimetic theory. 1) Mimetic theory is potent enough to explain "interdividual"as well as intracommunal violence, but not intercommunal violence. 2) The logic of "the political" is absent from the Girardian perspective on human relations. This is why Girard tends toward "overcoming" of antagonism itself, but not to "politics" as in the sense of "taming" antagonism. 3) Mimetic theory, which mainly focuses on the symmetrical aspect of human desire, is unable to address properly the question of domination and subordination implicit in asymmetrical relations.
著者
高田 明宜 タカダ ハルノリ Harunori Takada
雑誌
国際基督教大学学報. II-B, 社会科学ジャーナル = The Journal of Social Science
巻号頁・発行日
no.60, pp.287-310, 2007-03-31

This essay makes a general survey the transition of Cosmopolitanism, and picks up concepts of cosmopolitanism by Cynic Diogenes, Stoics, Kant, movement of world governance after WW II, the ideas of Charter of the UN, Commision on Global Governance and the notion of David Held's cosmopolitan democracy. In Greek, Diogenes spoke out the word and concept of cosmopolitanism in the world. And Stoics developed the idea from Diogenes. They advocated cosmopolitanism because of their basic concept, the universality of logos. They thought that logos controls and leads all things. One of the unique points of the idea of Stoics was not to accept to set the barriers between human beings. In Kant's cosmopolitanism, it refuses the construction of the universal state and it becomes the contents, which utilize the existence of the nation state. At this point, it is also common to cosmopolitanism after Kant, and very important idea. The notion of David Held's cosmopolitan democracy is not to deny that the nation state exists, but the concept to take the duty to complement the system of the present situation, like other concepts of cosmopolitanism. The basis of his theory is the problem of "the principle of autonomy" and globalization. The principle of autonomy is one of perspective from liberal democracy. For him the principle of autonomy is the core of project of democracy. In other words, his notion of cosmopolitan democracy is promotion of principle of autonomy at the global level. And the definition of principle of autonomy by him is "persons should enjoy rights and accordingly, equal obligations in the specification of the political framework which generates and limits the opportunities available to them; that is, they should be free and equal in the determination of the conditions of their own lives, so long as they do not deploy this framework to negate the rights of others." This autonomy becomes to be kept from infringed in the conventional community by the globalization. He thinks of globalization as widening of the strength and the rapidness, and the impact reaches strongly in the sides of a lot of social life in addition to nation state's being, and losing autonomy and people"s relation's and network's widening the globalization. However, he does not recognize that the consciousness that the global and universal level have not been born. Cosmopolitan democracy requires that it be enshrined within the constitutions of parliaments and assemblies at the national and international level; and that the influence of international courts is extended so that groups and individuals have an effective means of suing political authorities for the enactment and enforcement of key rights and obligations, both within and beyond political associations. Moreover, cosmopolitan democracy would also require the formation of an authoritative assembly of all democratic states and agencies -a reformed General Assembly of the UN, or a complement to it. Like the policy involvement to the local community and the sovereign nation, thorough going of democracy is demanded about the relation among the states. He regards cosmopolitan democratic law as democratic public law enforced within and beyond states, and as to apply principle of autonomy global level. And he also thinks that political control on market and economic action for realization of cosmopolitan democracy is legitimate action. The opportunity that most of cosmopolitanism happens is with the repulsion to the politics of the present situation. Therefore, there are many critiques that it is idealism or utopianism against cosmopolitanism, but it can always not be called merely idealism because it is a conception for the breakthrough of the present situation.