著者

堀田 みゆき

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.58-67, 1999-11-15

被引用文献数

1

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Recently, the concern over human rights has gradually spread from the part of individual nations to the whole international community. At the same time in a large part of western countries, i.e. the northen part of Europe and USA, the view of society for homosexuality has become much more tolerant than before. As the result of these facts, the Registered Partnership Act constituted for the first time in Denmark in 1989. Next to it Norway(93), Sweden(94) and Iceland(96)followed introducing similar acts. These laws approved substantial marriage between the same sex and regulated the same legal effects as general marriage with some exceptions. The exceptions are concerned about getting parenthood. One of them is concerned about adoption and guardianship, the other is artificial insemination. The present thesis handles at first the right to marry and found a family from the public international law, i.e. the Universal Declaration, UN Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, etc. And it takes up the legal position of homosexual persons as to marriage and even more of transsexual persons. According to norms of public international law, the right to marry is not absolute and marriage between the same sex is not recognized. The right to marry and found a family,however, is essential to the pursuit of the individual happiness, therefore their rights should be approved at least in the different form as general marriage as far as it doesn't act against the public interests. And in addition, the attitude of clergy and general people for the homosexuals is mentioned around Sweeden and Denmark.

著者

井戸田 博史

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, pp.39-48, 1985-05-20

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The present paper is an extract from my presentation "The Name Policy in the early Meiji Era" given at the conference of the Japan Association of Legal and Political Sciences in May, 1984. Before Meiji, a person's surname indicated his lineage and his privileged status. Only the people in the privileged classes-the samurai class and above-were permitted to have their family names. In the Meiji Era, however, the surname came to be regarded as the name of "Ie(家)" after many complicated processes, and it was ordered that all Japanese should have their surnames. After the Second World War, "Ie(家)" was abolished, and as the result, today's surname has come to be considered to be the name of the individual. Actually, however, the surname is not necessarily understood as the name of the individual in our feelings and customs, and consequently, it brings forward many problems. Therefore, the problems involved in the surname are old but new. Our surnames today are based on the name policy adopted in the early Meiji Era. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the nature of the name policy adopted in that period, because it will be an important clue to approach the complicated problems involved in the present-day surname. This paper contains the following items: 1. Introduction 2. The way to "the Ordinance to compel the Commoner to have their Surnames" (1) The denial of the "privileged surname" given by the former Tokugawa shogunate (2) "The Ordinance to Permit the Commoner to have thier Surnames" 3. The Ordinance to Compel the Commoner to have their Surnames 4. Prospects

著者

瀬川 博義

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.187-196, 1999-11

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In the aftermath of the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-78, San Stefano Treaty was signed in March 1878 and granted in dependence to Serbia, Montenegro, and Rumania, and autonomy to a large Bulgarian state. No such provision was either sought or executed for the Armenians. Sultan Abdul Hamid II (1876-1909) believed Muslim superiority in the Ottoman Empire. He determined to annihilate the Armenian nation perfectly, and to sweep away that hated Christianity which provoked Europe to interfere. He feared nineteenth-century Armenian Renaissance, and to abort it he preferred to use force, including massacre. Lepsius mentions that the Armenian massacres were caused by the threats for reforms made by the Great Powers. On the night of 23/24 April 1915, numbers of Armenian political, religious, educational, and intellectual leaders in Constantinople were arrested, deported into Anatolia, and put to death. Minister of Internal Affairs Talaat Pasha ordered Armenian deportation from the war zones to relocation centers-actually the deserts of Syria and Mesopotamia. Armenian soldiers of the Ottoman armies were taken out in groups and murdered. The adult and teenage males were swiftly separated from the deportation caravans and killed immediately under the direction of Young Turk officials and agents, the gendarmerie. Women and children who were drive for weeks over mountains and deserts, often dehumanized by being stripped naked and repeatedly preyed upon and abused. About 1,500,000 of the Armenians have been slaughtered by Sultan Abdul Hamid II, The Young Turks and Nationalists in 1894-1923. The survivors of the Ottoman-Armenian were condemned to a life of exile and dispersion and could not help being resigned to inevitable acculturation and assimilation all over the world. The writer's aim in this paper is to raise the following three questions: What happened? Why did it happen? And what might be leaned from the Armenian case?

著者

小林 良彰

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, pp.1-10, 1992-05-20

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The issue on the political reforms has become more and more as a critical issue. The report which was issued by the 8th Electoral System Research Council on April 1990 was agreed by the LDP but in failed to pass the Diet. In this current situation, it is natural that the title "The Problems Related to the Political Reforms" was discussed at the symposium of the Japan Association of Legal and Political Science, 1991. We all admit the significance of the report issued by the Council which consists solely by non-politicians, however;we are also aware that the Council is also an advisory body of the Premier and the report is far from satisfactory. As our objectives being proposals of the new ideas which supplement current reform plans, this year's reports given at the symposium was very meaningful to the all members. The three reports, "The Correcting of the Representative Values" by Prof. Aminaka; "The Political Reforms and Electoral System" by Prof. Iwagami; and "The History of British Effors in Purifying the Political Funds" by Prof. Tomisaki all introduced the systems taken in the other countries to point out the weak points of the current plans. When we discuss the political reforms, it can be discussed on three main areas; the representative value, the electoral systems and the political funds. Although these three areas include wide range of technical problems, the things we must be aware of are the importance of the idea which the reforms are based on the importance of the Japanese culture when systems are considered. In otherwords, the reforms must be done under a posture which askes for whom and why the reforms have to be done otherwise the reforms could end up only as very superficial ones that are filled with politician's compromises. The three reports given at the symposium all cited other countries systems but it is naive for us to think they will work for Japan also. It is very dangerous to discuss the system without considering cultural differences. There is a need for us to introduce a system that best suits Japan. The issue on the political reforms is very difficult indeed. It doesn't only includes highly technical problmes but also many others. The current reform plans are far from satisfactory because they emphasize too much of the technical problems. We need to think more about our ideals and cultures. The technique is the way to achieve our goal and not the goal itself. If the current reform plans are to become really for our citizens, they need to be improved. As member of our Association, we all need further study on this issue as well as keeping a close eye on the plans.

著者

岸本 正司

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, pp.111-132, 1997-05-15

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1. Introduction I remarked the reason why I selected the theme, and the necessity of considering the system legally and culturally, which is described from a different point of view comparing with other postwar treatises on the Constitution of Japan. 2. The purpose, nature, and problems of this sytem I calssified some main interpretations of the Constituton focussing on the system. And then I showed the limitations of postwar explanations for consistency between the system and Japanese society's condition. Plus I wrote I and other specialists could not present a significant vision for the future from the postwar viewpoints. 3. The Judical Precedents of the Review of the Supreme Court I analized the precedent of the Supreme Court in 1952. And I looked over the background of the precedent which states the system of the review of the Supreme Court is that of recall. 4. The Origin of the system and the Revision from Japanese Conception I investigated throughly the process in which the legal system was added into the Constitution for the first time. And I researched into the reason why the original model of the review system has been changed into the present one. 5. Conclusion In conclusion, I specified three main points of legal culture or conception in Japan, which come from Japanese mentality. Second, I examined both the theory for retaining the system and that for abolishing the system. Finally, I concluded that the system should be abolished after these considerations.

著者

井戸田 博史

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, pp.29-40, 1983-05-20

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This paper an extract from my presentation "Family Succession in the Meiji Civil Code" given at the Japan Association of Legal and Political Sciences in May of 1982. My research and this introduced theme is based on the case of Count Nogi. When Emperor Meiji passed away in 1912, General Maresuke Nogi committed suicide with his wife. He had also decided to end the Nogi family line, and towards this he refused any adoption into that family. His will stated that the Nogi line would be ended not to be revived. Following his instruction, the Nogi line was rooted out. But, on the third anniversary of his death in 1915, the Nogi line was restored by Motosato Mori, the second son of Maresuke Nogi's former feudal lord, Mototoshi Mori, not by one of Gen. Nogi's relatives. Motosato Mori was conferred the title of count by Emperor Taisho. In addition, Mori changed his family neme to Nogi and took possession of the Nogi graveyard, lineage and other ancestral treasures. This incident brought about serious disputes concerning the social, legal, political, moral and other aspects ; the incident meant that Nogi's will was ignored and there were lost of legal problems left unsolved. Though there are many points that need clarification, due to space limitation I have confined my remarks to next two points : 1. What were the causes that brought Gen. Nogi's decision on

著者

佐々木 孝夫

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, pp.178-185, 1998-05-15

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New Japanese election system was a parallet system of single-member representation in the bloc. In theory, democracy rest on several principles. It assumes that citizens are interested in political affairs, discuss their government, and are motivated to participate in politics. It assumes that the citizens are well informed about government and decide how to voters have some meaningful choice between competing candidate. Perhaps, the most basic of all aspects of democracy is the very act of voting, without voting, democracy would not exit. But, some people don't vote or are actual prevented from voting. Why? Especially in Saitama prefecture, election turnout is the lowest in Japan. On the basis of aggregate data collected in 1996, election turnout is explained by the relations between political participation and voting costs. This paper focuses on the results and implications of elections, especially on its record-low turnout, in Saitama. The relationship betseen results and survey-level findings is also discussed.

著者

田和 俊輔

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, pp.90-99, 1991-05-15

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Einfuhrung Der Zweck dieser Abhandlung liegt erstens darin, die Position des deutschen Staatsanwaltes in der Strafprozessordnung und im Gerichtsverfassungsgesetz als diejenige des Herrn im Ermittlungsverfaren, anders als in Japan, richtig uns verstehen zu lassen. Zweitens: liegt der Zweck darin, das Verhaltnis zwischen Staatsanwaltschaft und Kriminalpolizei (police judiciaire in Frankreich und in Japan), die in der Tat das Ermittlungsorgan ist, zu nachrichten und dann die Regelung bzw. die Ausschreibung, die Ausubung der beiden Zwangsmittel an sich und fur sich bringt, zu erwahnen. Drittens: die Gesetzgebung und Theorie um die Kompetenzkonflikte zwischen den beiden obengenannten, also zwischen Polizei und Staatsanwalt, das ist bereits erwahnt. Viertens: Einerseits kommt die Polizei dazu geordnet zu werden, kraft ihres freien Ermessens wie etwa vorlaufige Festnahme, Identitatsfeststellung und Vorfuhrung, dem Antiterrorismus(14.4.1978 in Kraft getreten)sowie auch der Regelung des Schleppnetzes (1986) zu entsprechen;andereiseits muss eine Aufgabe entstehen, d.h., wie die Deutsche Strafprozessordnung verhindern kann, die Menschenrechte der Beschuldigten wegen Zwangsmittels der Kriminalpolizei zu schadigen. Funftens: Was der Gesetzgeber vom Staatsanwalt als Vertreter des offentlichen Wohls und als Wachter des Gesetzes erwarten soll, um jene nicht leichten Angelegenheiten schon zu beseitigen. Was bedeutet eigentlich die Tatsache, dass der deutsche Staatsanwalt keine Partei im Strafprozessverfahren und Kontroller der Ermittlung ist und dereinzige Herr im Vorverfahren nach der Abschaffung (Beseitigung) des Voruntersuchungsrichters (1975) ist? Wahrend der Verfasser dieses Verhaltnis in bezug auf die Accusationsmaxime versus Inquisitionsprinzip, Parteiismus versus Professionalismus, insAuge sieht, will er versuchen, was die Position des Staatsanwaltes in Japan sein soll, deswegen, weil das japanische Staatsanwaltssystem vor dem zweiten Weltkrieg von Deutschland via Frankreich hergeruhrt hat. Vorlegung der Gegenstande 1. Wie soll die Verteilung im Ermittlungsorgan sein? (1)Die Frage uber die Ermittlung zwischen Staatsanwaltschaft und Kriminalpolizei in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. (2)Die Regelung daruber, dass, Wahrend der Herr im Ermittlung auf dem Gesetz Staatsanwalt ist, stellt die Polizei in der Praktischen Tatsache der Herr der Ermittlung im Wirklichkeit dar. (3)Vor-und Nachteile dadruch, dass der Staatsanwalt der Herr im Ermittiungsverfahren ist. 2. Wie ist es denn mit dem Herr im Ermittlungsverfahren zugegangen, indem die gerichtliche Voruntersuchung 1975 abgeschaft worden ist? 3. Wird der Schuts der Menschenrechte fur Beschuldigte noch wie vor sichergestellt, wahrend das Gewicht zur Polizei in der Realitat der Ermittlung neigt? 4. Kann der Schutz der Beschuldigtesmenshenrechte zugleich mit dem Parteiismus und der Akkusationsmaxime bestehn? 5. Stehn der Professionalismus und das Inquisitionsprinzip allseitig entgegendem Schutz der Beschuldigtesmenschenrechte? 6. Die Neigung der neuen Gessetzgebung fur eine Wirkung der Ermittlung durch die Lriminalpolizei in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Erwiderung 1 (1) die Dtrafprozessordnung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland sagt : Der Staatsanwalt ist der Herr im Ermittlungsverfahren. Und die Kriminalpolizei in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland ist ein Gegenbegriff der Verwaltungspolizei. Aber weil sie das Organ ist, das die Beweise und die Beschuldigten erforsch t(StPO 160, 163), wenn sie erkennt, deB es etwas eine Straftat gibt, ist sie so gleich wie der "police judiciaire" in Frankreich und in Japan. Aber sie ist kein selbstandiges und erststufiges Ermittlungsorgan wie in mehreren Staaten der USA oder in Japan nach dem zweiten Weltkrieg(anders als der Staatsanwalt aber). Die Deutsche Strafprozessordnung bestimmt, dass die Staatsanwaltschaft grundsatzlich ein exklusiver Ubernehmer der offentlichen Klage durch den Staat und der ausschliesslichen Klageerhebung ist, und die Publikklagenerhebung durch die Staatsanwaltschaft die Legalitatsprinzip abgibt. (Als lauter Ausnahmenfalle hat StPO Privatklage an ein Vergehen usw., Klageerzwingungsverfahren, Opptunitatspinzip der Klageerhebung dank des Ermessens des Staatsanwalt auf ein Vergehen) Dann ist es aber zu vreneien, dass der Staatsanwalt gegen alle moglichen strafbaren Falle Klagen erhebt, weil StPO Inquisitionsprinzip das Accusationsprinzip nach Moglichkeit naher kommen lasst, vor allem in die Richtung vom Parteiismus, bei dem ein Klager und ein Angeklagter auf dem Beweisgesetz gleich eingestellt sind. Weil dabei die Maxime "In dubio pro reo" wirkt, soil keine Publikklage, die objektiv gesehen ein Hauptverfahren nicht gehalten werden kann, erhoben werden. Dazu ist das Grundsatz, wodurch die Einstellung der bundesdeutschen Staatsanwaltschaft schwierig dasteht, ein Charaker des Vertreters des Gemeinwohls bei der Staatsanwaltschaft. (2) StPO 160(2) bestimmt, dass "der Staatsanwalt nicht nur Beweise, die Beschuldigte belasten sollten, sondern auch diegleichen, die sie entlasten konnten ermitteln soll". Und ausserdem erwahnt StPO 296(2), dass "der Staatsanwalt fur Beschuldigte Rechtsmittel einlegen soll". In diesem Sinne kann der Staatsanwalt in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland das Wesen der Partei nicht durchsetzen. Davon kommt, dass Herr Roxin und Herr Gossel angeben, dass der Staatsanwalt in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland keine Partei ist. Es durfte gesagt werden, dass diese obligatorische Eigenschaft, zu der Staatsanwalt in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland verpflichtet ist, mit dem Ideal "Entdeckung der Wahrheit", auf das die Strafprozessordnung Japans zielt, direckt ubereinstimmt. Das Gerichtsverfassungsgesetz 152 bestimmt die Pilizeibeamten als Hilfsbeamte des Staatsanwalted. Ihre Befahigung, ihre Bereiche und ihre Anstellungsbedingungen werden durch das jeweilige Landgesetz bestimmt, d.h., diese sogenannte Einstufung erlaubt, alle Polizeibeamten als Hilfsbeamte des Staatsanwaltes zu bezaichnen. Je infolge Darlegungen von Herrn Roxin und Herrn Volkmar Gotz aber soll das gerichtsferfassungsgesetz 152 solche Polizeibeamten definieren, die zu Hilfsbeamten der Staatsanwaltschaft in unmittelbarere Weise gehoren konnen. Schliesslich wird einerseits der Befehl des Staatsanwaltes gegen diese Polizeibeamten "Auftrag" genannt, und andererseits heisst der Befehl des Staatsanwalted gegen allgemeinen Polizeibeamte, vollig anders als jene obengenannten Beamten, "Antrag". Von der Betrachtung heraus bilden die allgemeinen Polizeibeamten auch in unmittelbarer Weise Hilfabeamte des Staatsanwaltes.

著者

桑原 英明

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.19-27, 1999-11-15

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In recent years, there has been a rapid increase in the number of foreign residents in Japan. However, the support system of the Japanese National Government was not sufficient, and some problems such as insufficient health insurance system and emergency medical care have emerged. In this situation, Japanese Local Governments have struggled in order to make a more effective problem-solving. This analysis suggests that thsrs is a need for making a tatal Medical Care system including Japanese and foreign residents.

著者

小栗 勝也

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.2, pp.135-151, 1999-05-15

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This paper aims to make an investigation as to what was the main body that completed the Soldieers' and their Families' Relief Act in 1917. In 1995 Mr. Jun Gunshi made public a leading treatise on this issue, when there had been no researches in this field before. It seems, however, that his writing was wrong in two points. First, Mr. Gunshi made a fundamental misunderstanding about the Act. He argued thet the aim of the Act was diverted under the direction of the army so as to mainly relieve the familes of the soldiers in service, while it originally aimed to relieve the soldiers who were wounded and retired as well as the bereaved families. But in the writer's reconsideration of the Act no change of the aim was found. Second, his conclusion raised a doubt as to the army's leading role for the completion of the Act. The re-examination tells that in reality the House of Representatives was tha main body to lay down the Act and pass it. Then the government and the army were both negatibe in making the law in the early stage, but later they finally went into action at the repeated requests of the House of Representatives. In conclusion, it was the House of Representatives that made the greatest contribution of the completion of the Act in discussion.

著者

井戸田 博史

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, pp.33-43, 1989-05-20

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Ensuring personal privacy is one of the most controversial problems in Japan today. Infringement of an individual's rights to privacy have often occured in relation to the system of public access to family registers;that is, the public perusal, or obtaining of certified copies or abstracts of family registers by another person. That being the case, restrictions to access are growing more necessary. Incidentally, the principle of public access to family registers was enacted in the Family Registration of 1898-Meiji 31. This paper aims at clarifing, with the help of the documentary records, the legislative process as it relates to public access to family registers before the Family Registration Law in 1898. This bibliographical report is a preliminary step in the study preparing a thesis on the privacy problems through the family register system.

著者

大久保 嘉三

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, pp.1-11, 1989-05-20

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1. After "Utage" and Before "Utage" 2. Before the first legal proceeding of privacy judgement, "Utage no ato" affair 3. After the first legal proceeding of "Utage no ato" affair 4. Conclusion-feeling to privacy

著者

武居 一正

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, pp.28-38, 1990-05-20

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1. Introduction 2. Violation des droits de l'homme des travailleurs immigres et irreguliers(1)Situation actuelle du travail au noir(2)Causes des violations des droits de l'homme 3. Les remedes a apporter durgence(1)Ce qu' on peut faire en se basant sur les lois actuelles(2)Les reformes necessaires et ideales a. Les problemes a envisager dans l'immediat b. Les mesures a prendre a long terme 4. Conclusion

著者

馬場 慎

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, pp.58-76, 1987-05-20

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It was "De L'Esprit des Loix", that is, "Sprite of Laws" written by Montesquieu in Io, 1748 that had greatly affected the morden thought as to laws not only in West European countries but also in Japan. In spite of the excellent book being worth reading, it was too hard a book, it goes without saying that the difficulty was not in the book but in readers, for many people to understand. However, in 7, 1875 Tadaichi Suzuki translated into Japanese out of the French original, whose work was named "Ritsureiseigi." I would make a study of an enduring problem that faces us, that is, what law is by discerning some order within a mass of their materials. 1. Introduction 2. The awakening of the morden thought as to laws in Japan and Tadaichi Suzuki 3. The construction of "Ritsureiseigi" 4. About the introductory remark of "Ritsureiseigi" 5. About Montesquieu 6. Conclusion

著者

津田 博

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, pp.129-144, 1998-05-15

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The Hyogo prefectural assembly was held on the fifteenth of May in the twelfth year of Meiji (1879). As far as the author knows, it has never been studied in detail how the assemblymen were elected. Besides, it has never been made known how the budget was discussed by the assembly. This article treats two points. First, the legal grounds of the election of the assemblymen will be dealt with in terms of the assembly rules. The number of the assemblymen and the actual state of vote in the first Hyogo prefectural assembly will also be discussed demonstratively, and the true state of the election will be made clear. Secondly, the author will analyze from the data the state of the first prefectural assembly and argue on the salary of guncho (the head of a county). All this will throw light on the nature of the early prefectural assembly.

著者

石堂 功卓

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, pp.15-21, 1998-05-15

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1. Introduction (1) An overview of the recent problem of bullying (2) Proposals from the Ministry of Education's "Emergency Meeting for Measures Dealing with Bullying" 2. The Recognition of Bullying as a Crime (1) The principles of Juvenile Law (2) Countermeasures against bullying which constitutes crime (3) Bullying which constitutes crime (4) The trend of criminalizing general bullying behavior 3. The Problem of General Bullying in Japan (1) The indeterminate nature of bullying behavior (2) A definition of bullying (3) General countermeasures against bullying 4. The Functions and Limitations of Criminal Law to the Problem of Bullying 5. Bullying and Criminal Liability (1) The offender's liability (1) Bullying which constitutes crime (2) Bullying which causes suicide and constitutes crime (3) General bullying which leads to the victim's suicide (2) School and parental liability……the possibility of prosecution due to negligent supervision 6. Conclusin Solving the problem of bullying through the process of criminal law and recognizing the solution's inherent limits

著者

土屋 孝次

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.1, pp.37-54, 1998-11-15

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In section 1, constitutional issues of the House supermajority rule are examined. On the opening day of the 104th Congress, the Republican-controlled House of Representatives adopted Rule XXI that requires a three-fifths vote to pass an increase in income tax. In approving this rule, the House relied on its constitutionally delegated power to determine the rules of its proceedings. In section 2, procedual obstacles to a rule challenge are described. Before a decision on the constitutionality of the rule can be reached, two hurdles must be overcome; the doctrine of legislative standing and the doctrine of remedial discretion. This article finds, in this supermajority rule case, that Representatives satisfy standing requirements and that the doctrine of remedial discretion does not act as a bar to judicial review. In section 3, constitutionality of the House supermajority rule is discussed. The principle of majority-rule is so fundamental that the Framers found it unnecessary to explicitly proclaim it in the Constitution. And several provisions of the Constitution support the idea that the Framers intended the majority-rule to govern in all situations besides those specifically enumerated. This article concludes that the majority-rule is a Constitutional norm with which the House cannot interfere.

著者

水戸 克典

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, pp.89-104, 1996-05-15

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1.Introduction 2.Approaches to legislative studies and the Diet 3.The role of the Liberal Democratic Party as the Opposition 4.The Unchanging functions of the Diet in the changing of political power 5.Conclusion This paper focuses mainly on the functions of the Diet in the change of government. The diet was considered to be 'a rubber stamp', particularly while the predominant party system was retained. That is because the opposition parties didn't play a positive part in the transforming of their intentions into policies and laws. They devoted their energies to only controlling 'disposable' time, and this made the deliberations insignificant. It was often pointed out that the strategy they depended upon arose from their own problems such as the less ability to make policies, the fractionalization and their seats. On the other hand, the Liberal Democratic Party in power criticized their way to waste time for deliberating and advocated the reinstatement of the Diet. The LDP, which went out of power in 1993, however, followed the traditional strategy as the Opposition with all its ability and the ideal. In other words, the functions of the Diet was not changed in the changeing of political power. The factors which made the deliberations in the Diet so negative were not only the problems of the opposition parties. It is necessary to reform the legislative system as a whole as well as parties including the Opposition with a view to activating the Diet.

著者

山口 廸彦

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, pp.7-18, 1993-05-15

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Even nowadays when forty-eight years already passed after the article 24 of the Japanese Constitution provided the essential equality of the two genders in accordance with the equality under the law in the article 14 of the Japanese Constitution in the democratic reconstruction of this country, we can't succeed to remove the social discrimination due to the difference of the two genders. In accordance with these legal situations, the social movements to aim the emancipation of the women are very popular even in present developed capitalist countries. Their metamorphoses were done from the women's movement before 60's years through women's liberation at 70's years to the redical feminism after 80's years. Since the Stalinist regeme of the socialist countries collapsed and ruined itself although the only two exceptions of North Korea and Red China remained, the above-mentioned social movements to aim the human emancipations are thought not to escape to break up and to diverse. In these political situations, I think to analyse the problems of law and gender as follow. 1. Significance of this symposium 2. Purposes of this report in the symposium 3. Theoretical history of law and gender (1)Law and gender in the modern legal theory (2)Law and gender in the ancient legal theory (3)Law and gender in the jurisprudence in Japan (4)Law and gender in the sociology and sociologist thoughts (5)Law and gender in the modern feminisms

著者

久禮 義一

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, pp.76-86, 1992-05-20

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This paper is on extract from my presentation"The Research on the Code of Ethics upon Politicians"given at Japan Association of Legal and Political Science in November of 1991. 1. Introduction 2. The Analysis on the codes of ethics upon politicians 3. The characteristic codes of ethics upon politicians 4. Case study-the code of ethics upon politicians in Sakai City- 5. Conclusion