著者

湯澤 規子

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.3, pp.4-17, 2020-04-30 (Released:2022-04-30)

参考文献数

62

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In the modern era, the rise of industry, the birth of workers, and the rapid influx of population led to the formation of new industrial communities, which in turn caused a reorganization of “life” and “labor” according to a logic and system different than those that had previously obtained. The purpose of this study is to focus on this reorganization process and to clarify how work and life were understood, and by whom, and what position they occupied in the newly prevailing logic and systems. The research examines Japan and America during the Industrial Revolution.Principally, the study examines who organized the “life” and “labor” of workers and how the reproduction of labor was accomplished. Specifically, it analyzes three categories of historical material : (1) Japanese “factory statistics”, historical materials from textile factories, and surveys by prefectural bureaus on social matters ; (2) the historical documents of textile factories in Lowell, Massachusetts, and of the Women’s Educational and Industrial Union, Boston (WEIU) ; (3) Life and Labor, the journal of the National Women’s Union Trade League established in 1903.Chapter II focuses on the formation of industrial areas in modern Japan and clarifies their regional characteristics. It reconstructs the world of daily life of male and female workers, notably in Tokyo’s Fukagawa district. Chapter Ⅲ considers the different factors among men and women influencing the reorganization of life and labor in modern Japan, focusing on historical changes in the lives of female workers.Chapters Ⅳ and Ⅴ examines textile production areas in the state of Massachusetts in 18th‒ and 19th‒century America. Comparing these cases with those of Japanese female workers in their factories, the paper analyzes the world of women working in Lowell’s textile factories (Chapter Ⅳ). Next, it discusses changes in the labor market and local communities beginning in the mid‒19th century, when the number of migrant workers increased due to the women’s labor movement (Chapter Ⅴ).Based on this research on Japan and the United States, Chapter Ⅵ shows that the actors who reorganized workers’ lives and work differed in the two cases. A discussion follows of the background for these differences, and the paper concludes with a presentation of the significance of and prospects for discussing “living” as an aspect of political‒economic history.

著者

水野 敦洋

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.4, pp.16-26, 2021-07-30 (Released:2023-07-30)

参考文献数

38

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This paper clarifies the response of Japanese small- and medium-sized industries to international competition in the period between World War I and World War II. It focuses on producers of Japanese matches and their role in exports and local production for the Chinese market. Growth in this industry had been driven by exports throughout the Meiji era (1886‒1912). However, Japanese match production lost its competitiveness during the interwar period because of the growing competitiveness of less-developed countries and the establishment of international trusts. In the match industry, however, two mechanisms eased this situation. The first was the maintenance of domestic production through the introduction of foreign capital, and the second was local production through foreign direct investment. In the latter case, a number of manufacturers became local producers in China, which was a conventional export market. They increased their profit margins in the 1920s, compensating for the slump in Japan. The Japanese share of match production in China was by no means large. However, from the perspective of individual manufacturers, it was equivalent to the value of products exported from factories in Japan. Therefore, sluggish product exports and loss of overseas markets were not necessarily damaging to Japanese manufacturers. At the same time, Japanese manufacturers faced not only competition with Chinese manufacturers but also difficulties such as a series of boycotts of Japanese products. Furthermore, during the chronic recession in China in the 1930s, the entire match industry, including Chinese manufacturers, was on the verge of collapse. The match industry responded to this situation by forming a production and sales cartel through the mediation of Chinese merchants who traditionally dealt in match imports from Japan. This led in turn to the cooperative coexistence of Japanese manufacturers and Chinese manufacturers, which can be understood as the final phase of Sino-Japanese business relationships before the onset of the Second Sino-Japanese War. The development of the Japanese match industry in China clearly differs from that of the cotton spinning industry, which is usually assumed to typify the prewar period. To understand the development of Japanese small- and medium-sized industries, which took place on a transnational scale, we must both product exports and local production.

著者

栗田 敦

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.4, pp.1-15, 2021-07-30 (Released:2023-07-30)

参考文献数

25

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This paper considers the development of prefectural-government policy on trade association from the late Meiji era to the Early Taisho era, focusing on the shibori industry in Aichi prefecture.Shibori production accounted for about 10% of all dyed goods, but from 1911 on, as the output of other similar goods increased, shibori output began stagnating. Shibori was manufactured in Kyoto, Aichi, and Fukuoka prefecture. Almost all cotton shibori, which was cheap, was manufactured in Aichi prefecture.The Nagoya Kokusan Shibori Trade Associations and Arimatsu Shibori Trade Associations, both in Aichi prefecture, were established in 1901 and 1905 respectively. These trade associations planned at the outset to undertake inspections of shibori goods but failed to do so for their first several years.An examinations of expositions and shows in the 1900s reveals that shibori in Aichi prefecture was superior in its introduction of new technology but inferior in its dyeing quality. The two trade associations tried to improve the quality of shibori but to no avail. In 1908, Aichi prefectural authorities had the trade associations establish the Aichi Prefectural Shibori Federation of Trade Associations and enabled the unified organization to deal with the problem of dyeing and regulate the use of low-grade dyes.In 1909, the Aichi authorities revised the regulations to give the two trade associations the power to inspect shibori products. From late Meiji era into early Taisho, the two trade associations and their joint Shibori Federation held lectures and workshops to improve the quality of shibori. The Aichi authorities used these activities to teach specific skills, utilizing prefectural facilities such as the commercial museum and officials who had professional knowledge of dyeing and design. The effect of the inspections, lectures, and workshops began to become evident after about 1915, and the output of shibori, which had stagnated for several years, began increasing again. In summary, Aichi’s prefectural government began in the Meiji era to intervene in the shibori trade associations to promote quality improvements. In the early Taisho era, as the trade associations themselves began undertaking such improvements voluntarily, the prefectural government turned to a policy of indirect support for the associations.This study suggests that prefectural-government policy, by guiding trade associations to construct regimes for improving product quality, played an important role in the maturation of local trade associations and local industries successfully.

著者

岩佐 和幸

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.3, pp.1-11, 2005-04-30 (Released:2017-08-30)

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Recently, globalization of labor migration has been an important issue worldwide, as well as in Japan, where many researchers and policy makers argue over the future acceptance of foreign workers from developing countries. However, the acceptance of foreign workers is by no means new in Japan. Historically, Japan experienced a labor inflow from Korea under colonialism, and until now Korean immigrants and their offspring have been characterized as an "invisible' part of a multi-ethnic Japanese society. This paper analyzes the immigration of Korean workers during the pre-war period as the first stage of the globalization of labor in Japan. I focus on Osaka-city, the most populous destination for Korean immigrants. Through this historical analysis, I attempt to clarify the socioeconomic roles of Korean immigrants in Japanese capitalist development. The major implications derived from this study are as follows: first, Koreans were the most displaced ethnic group during the pre-war period, and about half of all displaced Koreans emigrated to Japan, with Osaka becoming the most populous destination for Koreans after the 1920s. Such "diasporas" brought about tremendous effects for both Japan and Korea. Second, the massive inflow of Korean workers was strongly influenced by the urban development of Osaka. In Osaka, industrial production and international trade/investment developed dramatically, and Osaka had become the largest city in Japan by the 1920s. This urbanization process created a labor demand, with urban socioeconomic and spatial restructuring, and Koreans were incorporated as the core of the labor force. As a result, Osaka developed into a multi-ethnic metropolis. Third, this immigration inflow had a significant impact on the urban structure. Korean workers were mainly absorbed into three sectors: (1) the labor-intensive industrial sector, (2) the construction sector, and (3) the urban informal sector. Moreover, this process brought about a polarization of the labor market and spatial segregation within Osaka. Fourth, under this process, Korean immigrants stayed longer and established themselves in society as a permanent labor force in Osaka. Koreans gradually established and managed households, formed mutual help networks, and built immigrant communities in the urban periphery. Furthermore, Korean managers also began to appear, and they created capital-labor relationships among Koreans. Such a process became the prototype of the postwar society of ethnic Korean residents in Japan.

著者

永岑 三千輝

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.4, pp.43-44, 2017-07-30 (Released:2019-07-30)

著者

韓 載香

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.3, pp.37-55, 2005-04-30 (Released:2017-08-30)

被引用文献数

1

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Enterprises owned and managed by Korean-Japanese, who constitute the largest ethnic minority in Japanese society, have tended to focus their business activities in certain specific industries. This paper examines the inter and intra-industry dynamics behind the concentration of their economic domains. In particular, I clarify the historical reasons for the considerable entry of ethnic Korean-owned firms into the Nishijin kimono manufacturing in Kyoto, which is considered one of the symbolic businesses of traditional Japanese beauty. I then investigate the economic and social mechanisms through which Korean businesses, such as those in Kyoto, have transferred their resources from declining industries to growing ones. After World War II, Korean businesses entered the Kyoto textile industry by utilizing resources that they had accumulated within their ethnic community. The community functioned as a facilitator of business opportunities, through informal information networks. Once the enterprises were established, however, they did not maintain any special relationships among themselves, and they actually competed against each other, while they conducted regular transactions with the mainstream Japanese business community. Each firm nurtured its own competitiveness, and consequently they each exhibited different rates of growth and profitability. The ethnic networks, however, initially played a significant role in directing the entry of ethnic Koreans into certain industries. Moreover, the same mechanism played a role in the expeditious exit of those textile companies from their declining businesses. Once again, ethnic information networks facilitated the shift of economic activities, this time towards the pinball amusement industry, which has become the most representative industry of ethnic Koreans in Japan to this day. In sum, the ethnic community acted as an active agent which made the barriers of entry, exit, and mobility between industries much lower for the ethnic Korean community in Japan.

著者

堀 和生

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.68-70, 2013-10-30 (Released:2017-08-30)

著者

林 采成

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.1-15, 2006-10-30 (Released:2017-08-30)

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With the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, the Japanese continental railroad system was expanded from Korea and Manchuria into northern China. The management of the railroad became the prerequisite condition that enabled the maintenance of a large occupied territory, the execution of military strategy, and the supply of Chinese strategic goods required for the Japanese wartime economy. Management resources were supplied from the South Manchuria Railway, Inc., and a new transportation entity called the North China Railway Co. (NCR) was established in Northern China. While this entity was formed as a result of Northern China separation maneuvers, the Japanese side compulsorily enforced the nationwide unity of railroad management. Wartime transportation was not limited to the local area of Northern China, but was also strongly interlinked with policy deployment in Manchuria and colonial Korea. Consequently, a huge transportation demand was also generated locally both internal and external to the region. Nevertheless, since strengthening of the transport capacity by huge investment was impossible because of lack of resources, the NCR tried to enhance transport capacity by increasing the number and frequency of trains in operation. By this means a labor-intensive railroad management system was realized with a concomitant increase in traffic and improvement in productivity. However, after the outbreak of the Pacific War, in order to compensate for the decline of marine transportation tonnage, alternative land transportation was deemed necessary to make possible the supply of important materials from Northern China to Japan. Although the necessity for unified management of a continental railroad system was increasingly clear, the shortage of transport capacity was too vast, and conventional operation became impossible. Consequently the NCR had no choice but to impose rigorous transportation controls over local traffic. The NCR however was doomed to failure. Aggravated by resource restrictions, U.S. air strikes, increasingly intense activity by anti-Japanese guerrillas and continued severe cold, the NCR reached the limits of its management capability and faced a transportation crisis.

著者

平野 恭平

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.1-15, 2014-10-30

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During World War II, Japanese companies pursued the development of synthetic fibers as substitutes for such natural fibers as cotton and wool. A well-known case is polyvinyl alcohol (PVA) fiber, industrialized after the war under the brand name Vinylon by Jurashiki Rayon (Kuraray) and Dai-Nippon Cotton Spinning. This paper considers the case of Kanebian, another variety of PVA fiberm produced by Kanegafuchi Cotton Spinning (Kanebo). Kanebian's development was advanced almost concurrently with that of Vinylon but ultimately was suspended, though its realization was close at hand. The reasons why Kuraray succeeded in industrializing Vinylon and establishing its own market lie in its shift from "negative substitution" - the goal of compensating for a shortage of natural fibers -- to "positive substitution," which brought out and commercialized the peculiar attributes and attractions of synthetic fibers as substitutes for natural fibers. This process was the necessary condition for the survival of wartime substitute fibers in the postwar environment. After the war Kanebo made the reconstruction of natural fibers its highest priority, thereby delaying the development of synthetic fibers and widening the gap with Kuraray's progress. The two fibers had reached similar levels of development by the end of the war. But Kanebo's management was negative about Kanebian's prospects because of its defects in quality and cost and therefore was cool toward its further development. Kanebo's engineers worked to address these weaknesses as they emerged in the postwar years, and sought out optimum markets while watching Vinylon's progress closely. Their unrelernting effort and confidence in Kanebian's potential did not sway management's assessment of the product, however, and ultimately Kanebo discontinued the development of Kanebian. The decision to suspend development seems at first glance to have been mistaken given Kuraray's success. It has its own validity and rationality, however, when we take into consideration Kanebo's founding and principal business which was cotton spinning, the postwar recovery of the cotton spinning industry, Kanebian's technical properties and its potential, and the limited support from industrial policy at the time. This article explains this assertion in detail by studying the process from development to suspension, and considers it as an aspect of the shift from "negative" to "positive substitution."

著者

竹田 泉

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.4, pp.1-18, 2003-07-30

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This paper regards the calico-substitute industry of 18th century Lancashire as an 'embryonic cotton industry' and investigates how it developed into pure-cotton industry. In past research, little attention has been given to the pre-water-frame era, and only fustian has been considered as a mediation to pure-cotton calico. I start by considering the question, "what was calico-substitute: fustian or linen?" I then closely examine the following two issues: 1.) how the export of Lancashire linens to the Atlantic world developed in competition with Indian calicoes, and 2.) how linen yarn for warp was supplied to Lancashire until the appearance of the water-frame. In 18th century Lancashire, linens filled the role of calico-substitutes. Both linen and fustian were linen-cotton fabrics (cotton weft and linen warp), but while linen was a thin, light cloth, fustian was heavy and thick. Furthermore, linen could be finished with bright colours, and was very suitable for underwear because it could be easily washed. Lancashire linen had the same character as calico, in that it could be used in every corner of the globe, whatever the climate. The Lancashire linen industry made products for universal use and sent them to many places in the Atlantic world. The process of the growth of the embryonic cotton industry depended heavily on the outside world, not only for the demand for the goods but also for the supply of raw materials: the Atlantic world as a market for linen, and Ireland as a supplier of linen yarns. This process was a preparatory stage for the coming pure-cotton industry. The Irish linen industry was incorporated as a yarn supplier into the growth process of the embryonic cotton industry of Lancashire. This viewpoint will help to cast further light on the relation between Britain and Ireland as well as the history of the Irish linen industry in the 18th century. At the same time, it could also offer a new perspective to the conventional question of how the British Industrial Revolution came about; that is, how important a role her closest and oldest colony, Ireland, played in its outbreak.

著者

丹羽 絹子

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.4, pp.34-51, 2019-07-30 (Released:2021-07-30)

参考文献数

41

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This paper explores how tea became Britain’s national drink beginning in the mid‒nineteenth century, with a focus on the tea‒tax reduction of 1853. Tea had been spreading in Britain since early in the eighteenth century, but there was a critical turning point in tea consumption around the mid‒nineteenth century as seen in changes in historical per capita consumption. Many reasons are apparent for the increase in tea consumption in the latter half of the nineteenth century, including tax reform, expansion of colonial plantations and developments in advertising and sales methods. Among these, the tax reform of 1853 was the driving force in affecting the timing of the change in consumption patterns. Previous studies have not elaborated on this subject, but the background of the tax reform and its relation to tea consumption merit detailed explanation.By examining the report of the Select Committee of the House of Commons in 1847 concerning the tea‒tax reduction and parliamentary debates, this paper reveals three factors affecting the changes in consumption pattern : economic interests in the China market, ideological developments regarding working‒class consumers, and political considerations pertaining to the public as consumers.Firstly, in the late 1840’s, British manufacturers became involved in the tea market by way of the barter trade involving British products and tea in China. This affected tea prices in the British market while at the same time accelerating political action on behalf of tea‒tax reduction by those with interests in the Chinese market.Secondly, from the mid‒nineteenth century, working‒class tea consumption was supported by the middle‒classes, which shared ideological views on the importance of free trade, temperance and improvement of working‒class conditions. In addition, Chartists who tried to take the initiative in political reform for the working class also promoted working‒class tea consumption in the course of their activities. Thus, these ideologies and movements formed a public opinion favorable to the mass consumption of tea and contributed to the realization of a reduction in the tax on tea.Finally, reflecting the demands of the middle and working classes, it became increasingly important for politicians of the time to develop policies with mass consumers in mind. Implementation of the tea‒tax reduction was thus a symbol of this change in awareness among politicians.From the above it can be concluded that the steady increase in the consumption of tea from the mid‒nineteenth century on, and the eventual establishment of tea as a national beverage, were due to the fact that a broad swath of society including middle class, working class, and politicians agreed, for both economic and ideological reason, on the desirability of expanding the consumption of tea by the masses.

著者

浅田 進史

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.4, pp.34-42, 2017-07-30 (Released:2019-07-30)

参考文献数

54

著者

谷本 雅之

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.4, pp.73-75, 2010-07-30 (Released:2017-08-30)

著者

福澤 直樹

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.3, pp.1-11, 2007-04-30 (Released:2017-08-30)

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Even though the market economy is at the core of the socio-economic order in modern Germany, certain adjustment has been necessary due to limits on its function and coverage. It was not always the State but primarily individual consanguineous, territorially-connected and/or multiple social linkages (or solidarity), which carried out this adjustment. However, as the extent of economic activity expanded and each nation state became firmly established as an economic unit, social problems became a growing concern and the State could not ignore its social responsibilities. Social benefits in Germany after the enactment of legislation creating the "Workers' Insurance" in the 1880s were a typical expression of this trend. However, existing communities or solidarity associations not infrequently hindered the development of a system of nationwide solidarity. Friction was often generated between individual interests which promoted the conservation of social and economic differences, and the intention to expand social cooperation to the nationwide scale. Even though nationwide solidarity was functionally ineffective in the severe economic circumstances of the depression, and a national community was once built forcibly at the cost of enormous sacrifice, the concept of nationwide solidarity became a generally established principle in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) after WWII within the system of the market economy. This nationwide solidarity was further complemented by communities or associations for solidarity in various dimensions in the form of pluralistic function in the social welfare system. In the FRG the "Welfare State" was not pursued as a providing state, but as a "Sozialstaat"(Social State) on a philosophical foundation, derived from a full consideration of the nature of the market economy. In this concept of a "Social State", the realization of fair distribution and the elimination of inappropriate social and economic difference was to be pursued, at least in the speculative dimension, in a fashion compatible with the market economy and without hindering its effectiveness or incentives to individual economic activity. Although factors such as the ending of rapid economic growth after WWII or the "oil shock" might expose difficulties or limits of the enhancement of social benefits, this did not provoke a fundamental dismantling or reconstruction of the system of social benefits in the FRG. It might be thought that this was because of a solid agreement about the nature of the "social state" in Germany, but recent movements contradict this interpretation. Even the Social Democratic Party is now willing to cut back the welfare system in the face of economic difficulties brought about by strong economic competition due to globalization and regional integration. It is to be wondered what happened to the philosophical constructs underlying the fairness of distribution and the health of the market economy. In this sense, the dynamism of the "social state" is still a meaningful field for research.

著者

久保 亮輔

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.2, pp.1-17, 2019-01-30 (Released:2021-01-30)

参考文献数

50

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This paper examines how and why people who did not have political power in 15th‒century Mamluk Cairo accumulated property. The Mamluk sultanate was a Sunni regime in which Mamluks, or slave soldiers, seized wealth and power and ruled Egypt, Syria, and Hejaz for over 250 years. The military ruling class justified its authority and consolidated its regime by distributing wealth through waqf (endowments) to ʻulamāʼ (scholars) and ‘āmma (commoners). Because of this social structure, previous studies on waqf have been concerned with the military ruling class. However, it was not only those in power who donated their property as waqf. This paper focuses on waqf deeds issued by two physicians. Through an analysis of how and why they designated their property as waqf despite the fact that they were not in power, I would like to bring a new perspective to Mamluk studies.Chapter 1 shows that earlier studies on Mamluk‒era waqf focus mainly on the military ruling class and suggests the importance of studying those who were not in power. Chapter 2 gives a brief description of property inheritance under Sharī‘a (Islamic law) and confirms that waqf provided a way for people to bequeath property to specific people without violating Sharī‘a. The third chapter introduces two approaches to the understanding of the socio‒economic background of physicians in Mamluk Cairo ; an “institutional approach” and a “nepotistic approach”. The fourth chapter discusses the details of the waqf deeds made by two physicians, including the stipulations made on waqf properties, beneficiaries, operating costs, and so on. An overview of waqf deeds suggests that their intention in designating their properties as waqf was asset management. In both waqf cases, donors nominated themselves nāẓir (director) and included their family members as beneficiaries. Chapter 5 compares the physicians’ waqf discussed in the previous chapter with other similar cases. It is clear from certain narrative sources that physicians’ waqf took on different characteristics between the 12‒13th centuries and the 14th‒15th centuries. The earlier cases included “public” aspects such as investment in medical education, whereas the later cases placed more importance on “private” matters such as asset management and property inheritance.Based on this discussion, this paper concludes that the physicians utilized “institutional” and “nepotistic” approaches to accumulate property and to designate their property as waqf in preparation for forthcoming death.

著者

高田 実

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.3, pp.66-68, 2016-04-30 (Released:2018-04-30)

著者

松井 道昭

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.3, pp.1-9, 2004-04-30 (Released:2017-08-30)

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Although Paris has developed fairly consistently because it has remained the capital of France, its heavy dependence on royal authority has deprived it of autonomy, and thus the relationship between the central government and Paris has always been strained. Moreover, Paris is not only a political city, but also a religious and industrial city, as well as a center of production and consumption, and this diversity makes Paris peculiar. Although it was the Industrial Revolution, and the subsequent dramatic increase in population in the 1830's and 1850's which ultimately forced Paris to shed the framework of the medieval city, the original plans for reconstruction had been laid as early as the French Revolution. The initial stages of the plan entailed improving the roads, which the revolutionary government attempted to do when it confiscated the ecclesiastical properties in Paris City and disposed of them. The road improvements, however, were not carried out because of the civil war and the Napoleonic War. It was not until the Monarchy of July that improvements began, and the plan was ultimately executed in earnest under the reign of the Second Empire. Thus, the reconstruction of Paris, through improving the roads and building a modern city suitable to industrialization, was entrusted to Napoleon III and Baron Haussmann, the chief administrator of the department of Seine. Based on the theory of public utilities, this project restricted the right of ownership to the government established by the French Revolution, but opposition from the land proprietors was less than expected. This is because the project generated a speculation boom benefiting the bourgeois class. On the other hand, craftsmen and laborers who were forced to move or suffer from increased rents were opposed to the project, yet had no form of redress. Ultimately, these poor people left the city center, and formed a new slum in the northeast zone of Paris. Although the reconstruction achieved impressive results in the areas of public hygiene, beautification and safety, its effect was like sprinkling water over thirsty soil with regards to the goal of providing transportation and housing. The reconstruction of Paris, however, provided a model for the redevelopment of other cities and had a strong effect on both French and foreign cities suffering from the same problems.

著者

柳澤 治

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.1, pp.66-68, 2018

著者

谷ヶ城 秀吉

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.4, pp.1-15, 2010

参考文献数

71

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the distribution process in place between modern Japan and colonial Taiwan during the interwar period, and to position the activities of the main economic actors in response to the actions of the government as commodity regulator. Specifically, I focus on changes among export brokers from the 1920s to the 1930s. In doing so, I pay attention to the actions of economic actors in response to changes in the external environment, and consider the quantitative and qualitative state of the process of commodity distribution that emerges as a result of my analysis of changes in the trading system. The following findings emerge from this analysis. The expansion of Taiwan rice shipments to Japan following the appearance of horaimai in 1922 was supported by a speculative trading system based on a mixed storage system, and the rice accommodation system made possible by the Yamashita Kisen issue of bills of lading. As a result, a large number of Taiwanese export brokers expanded their business operations and increased market share. However, the aim of these transactions was only to preserve export quantity and did not stimulate the export brokers to improve export quality. Although the amendment of the Taiwan rice inspection law in 1926 aimed to improve the domestic market reputation of Taiwan rice, strict inspections acted to regulate the quantity of rice shipped and provoked excessive competition among export brokers, resulting in a fall in profitability. This aggravation of trading conditions made it difficult for export brokers to continue business and they had no option but to withdraw from the market. On the other hand, I also show that Japanese exporters facing the same risks dealt positively with these changes in the trading environment by acting to improve quality, such as by the introduction of rubber roll rice hullers. Additionally, I show that although Mitsui Bussan, Mitsubishi Shoji, Sugihara Shoten, and Kato Shokai engaged in intense competition at the beginning of the 1930s, such activity was funded by rebates from shipping companies that profited from the rice trade. That is, I conclude that the change in major actors in the Taiwan rice export trade was due to structural change in the distribution process, the main factors of which were the trading and distribution systems.

著者

禹 宗杬

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.1, pp.66-68, 2012