著者
平野 恭平
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.1, pp.1-15, 2014-10-30

During World War II, Japanese companies pursued the development of synthetic fibers as substitutes for such natural fibers as cotton and wool. A well-known case is polyvinyl alcohol (PVA) fiber, industrialized after the war under the brand name Vinylon by Jurashiki Rayon (Kuraray) and Dai-Nippon Cotton Spinning. This paper considers the case of Kanebian, another variety of PVA fiberm produced by Kanegafuchi Cotton Spinning (Kanebo). Kanebian's development was advanced almost concurrently with that of Vinylon but ultimately was suspended, though its realization was close at hand. The reasons why Kuraray succeeded in industrializing Vinylon and establishing its own market lie in its shift from "negative substitution" - the goal of compensating for a shortage of natural fibers -- to "positive substitution," which brought out and commercialized the peculiar attributes and attractions of synthetic fibers as substitutes for natural fibers. This process was the necessary condition for the survival of wartime substitute fibers in the postwar environment. After the war Kanebo made the reconstruction of natural fibers its highest priority, thereby delaying the development of synthetic fibers and widening the gap with Kuraray's progress. The two fibers had reached similar levels of development by the end of the war. But Kanebo's management was negative about Kanebian's prospects because of its defects in quality and cost and therefore was cool toward its further development. Kanebo's engineers worked to address these weaknesses as they emerged in the postwar years, and sought out optimum markets while watching Vinylon's progress closely. Their unrelernting effort and confidence in Kanebian's potential did not sway management's assessment of the product, however, and ultimately Kanebo discontinued the development of Kanebian. The decision to suspend development seems at first glance to have been mistaken given Kuraray's success. It has its own validity and rationality, however, when we take into consideration Kanebo's founding and principal business which was cotton spinning, the postwar recovery of the cotton spinning industry, Kanebian's technical properties and its potential, and the limited support from industrial policy at the time. This article explains this assertion in detail by studying the process from development to suspension, and considers it as an aspect of the shift from "negative" to "positive substitution."
著者
竹田 泉
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, no.4, pp.1-18, 2003-07-30

This paper regards the calico-substitute industry of 18th century Lancashire as an 'embryonic cotton industry' and investigates how it developed into pure-cotton industry. In past research, little attention has been given to the pre-water-frame era, and only fustian has been considered as a mediation to pure-cotton calico. I start by considering the question, "what was calico-substitute: fustian or linen?" I then closely examine the following two issues: 1.) how the export of Lancashire linens to the Atlantic world developed in competition with Indian calicoes, and 2.) how linen yarn for warp was supplied to Lancashire until the appearance of the water-frame. In 18th century Lancashire, linens filled the role of calico-substitutes. Both linen and fustian were linen-cotton fabrics (cotton weft and linen warp), but while linen was a thin, light cloth, fustian was heavy and thick. Furthermore, linen could be finished with bright colours, and was very suitable for underwear because it could be easily washed. Lancashire linen had the same character as calico, in that it could be used in every corner of the globe, whatever the climate. The Lancashire linen industry made products for universal use and sent them to many places in the Atlantic world. The process of the growth of the embryonic cotton industry depended heavily on the outside world, not only for the demand for the goods but also for the supply of raw materials: the Atlantic world as a market for linen, and Ireland as a supplier of linen yarns. This process was a preparatory stage for the coming pure-cotton industry. The Irish linen industry was incorporated as a yarn supplier into the growth process of the embryonic cotton industry of Lancashire. This viewpoint will help to cast further light on the relation between Britain and Ireland as well as the history of the Irish linen industry in the 18th century. At the same time, it could also offer a new perspective to the conventional question of how the British Industrial Revolution came about; that is, how important a role her closest and oldest colony, Ireland, played in its outbreak.
著者
満薗 勇
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.3, pp.11-20, 2015-04-30 (Released:2017-08-30)

The theme of this symposium (What Is the Middle Class?) emphasizes the importance of lifestyle and values rather than occupation and income level as the defining components of the middle class. As is well known, the increase in the number of people who regarded themselves as middle class during the period of rapid economic growth after World War II gave birth to the so-called 'all-middle class society' in Japan. It has been shown that their middle-class consciousness derived from a lifestyle and values focused on consumption. This paper therefore focuses on the history of consumption and elucidates the following points. It was in the 1920s-30s that a middle-class model was formed based on consumption levels and patterns rather than on the social prestige or culture associated with occupation and type of employment. Although this model was certainly influenced by that of the USA, its consumption patterns revealed certain Japanese characteristics. For example, Japanese consumers preferred small-scale mom-and-pop retail stores rather than large-scale stores such as GMS. As a result, the commercial sector was able to sustain many self-employed households and to expand business opportunities during rapid growth and thereby to allow the acquisition of sufficient income to meet middle-class consumption levels. Moreover, this model was inextricably linked to the norm of the 'modern family' as a consumption unit. Traditional families changed drastically in these years, for example in the reduced number of children in a household. They willingly accepted birth control and family planning in order to build an affuluent life. At the same time, many married females engaged not only in reproductive activity but in productive activity as well to acquire money sufficient for the middle-class levels of consumption, so that the male-breadwinner family did not in fact become the majority. These women were not entirely happy because they could not take time for housework, child-rearing and leisure. The 'all-middle class society' focused on consumption entailed various conflicts between time and money. From the comparative perspective of this symposium, this type of 'all-middle class society' based on consumption was not formed in contemporary China or India because of differences in historical conditions. Income inequality and family structures give rise to large variations in the consumption levels and patterns in these countries. It is important to take the historical particularity of Japan's 'all-middle class society' into account when considering the Comparison between Developed and Emerging Countries.
著者
三浦 壮
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.2, pp.1-16, 2015

This study traces the funding and management of investments by examining capital formation, fluctuations in holdings, and investments in stocks and land by the former Iwakuni domainal lord Kikkawa in the Meiji period. It aims thereby to bring to light the Meiji-era formation of capital by the nobility. The total assets of the Kikkawa family increased through the Meiji period, with most of the assets in stockholdings by the end of the era. In early Meiji, the Kikkawa's revenue came mostly from government payouts, along with income from loans and landholdings. In mid-Meiji, revenue from public loans became an important source of income, and after 1895, stockholdings rapidly assumed greater importance. The administration of the family property was carried out by relatives and family affiliates under a council system, in which the role of property-holder Chokichi Kikkawa was especially significant. The Kikkawas stressed landholdings in one group of funds and stockholdings in another, enabling the flow of capital to be clearly divided between the two and managed separately. Until 1898, the amount of capital invested in stocks depended on the sale of public loans, land, and the income from loans. Between 1899 and 1902, a system was established for reinvesting the profits from stockholdings back in the industrial sector. The Kikkawa family were successful in their two-pronged approach to investment, significantly increasing their landholdings through the Meiji period and increasing the value of their investments in stocks. The most advantageous investment was recognized to be in stocks, across the board, because of their yield, which was high especially in bank stocks and in railroads. This paper explains why the powerful nobilit of the time invested chiefly in high yield banks and railroads, and in conclusion, divides the history of Meiji-era Kikkawa household management into five periods : 1) dependence on government revenue ; 2) formations of public loan and bans assets ; 3) the shift to investments in stocks ; 4) capital formation in stock- and land-holding ; and 5) the shift to growth in stockholding.
著者
高柳 友彦
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.3, pp.41-58, 2006-04-30 (Released:2017-08-30)

Although hot spring usage was restricted by community regulations in the Edo period, with the relaxation of restrictions in modern times, the exploitation of hot springs rapidly progressed. The increased usage of hot springs has brought problems involving adjustment to the development and conservation of hot springs in hot springs regions. This paper clarifies the process through which local communities balanced development with conservation of hot springs after the social class-based restrictions were dismantled, using the region of Atami, Shizuoka prefecture, as an example. During the Edo period, one inn, the Yuko, maintained power in Atami with the backing of the Tokugawa shogunate. The Yuko monopolized the usage of the largest geyser (the "oyu") and ruled Atami socially and economically. After the Meiji Restoration, rule by the Yuko collapsed, and the privatization and exploitation of hot springs progressed. The balance of development and conservation changed with the regulations of 1884 to a policy of self-adjustment between hot spring users, based on one control center. After the 1900's, with the development of the railroad, and the Russo-Japanese War, the situation of the spas of Atami changed. The exploitation of hot springs by outsiders, as well as by inn masters who ignored the regulations, increased, and the policy of self-adjustment by hot spring users which had existed until then ceased to function. As a result of this dysfunction, the policy of self-adjustment was replaced with new rules regarding usage of the hot-springs, which were to be enforced by the police. However, the police were ineffective, and new disputes arose. Thereafter, Shizuoka prefecture gave Atami ward the exclusive right to develop and exploit its hot springs. Atami ward established an administrative organization and stabilized the usage of hot springs in the ward. This organization successfully managed and stabilized hot spring use in Atami.
著者
高柳 翔
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.4, pp.1-16, 2014-07-30 (Released:2017-08-30)

By the turn of the 20th century, Russian and German encroachment on the British Empire had significantly threatened Britain's global dominance, and Britain was struggling to defeat the local army in South Africa in the Second Boer War (1899-1902). Aware of the declining power of the mother country, Britain's leading colonies, such as India, Canada, and Australia, sought independence in munitions supplies by launching efforts to develop their own defense industries. They began by constructing small arms factories, since rifles are used in vast quantities in wartime and require mass production. This paper focuses solely on Australia: the Australian Government's Lithgow small arms factory (LSAF), which commenced production in 1912, raises a series of important questions concerning not only military, but industrial and technological issues as well. Australia, which became the independent Commonwealth of Australia in 1901, decided to create the LSAF in 1907 and sought modern machineries of the highest quality, all of which had to be purchased from abroad. As LSAF's main products were British Lee-Enfield rifles and only British makers were capable of manufacturing the gauges and jigs need for maintaining interchangeability of parts, the factory initially intended to order its machinery from Britain. Greenwood & Batley Ltd. (G&B) of Leeds, England was the world leader in the rifle plant business and was expected to win the 1909 bid for LSAF's plant. However, G&B faced unexpectedly strong competition from the American firm, Pratt & Whitney Company (P&W) of Hartford, Conneticut. P&W ultimately won the contract by guaranteeing shorter delivery times and offering machinery with "double the rifle production capacity" of G&B. Australia's decision to introduce U. S. technology was based on the fact that the newest, most efficient machinery had largely been invented in the 'American system of manufacture'. Neverthless, LSAF's rifle production rate proved very low until the First World War broke out. This stagnancy was caused by 'culture shock,' namely an incompatibility in technology standards and disputes between the British craft union and the P&W manager who favored rationalization, or in order words by friction between Britain and the United States. As LSAF was key to Australia's national security, a thorough examination of the problems is critically important. This paper aims principally to demonstrate that Australia erred in its selection of rifle plant and put its defense strategy at risk.
著者
韓 載香
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, no.3, pp.37-55, 2005-04-30 (Released:2017-08-30)

Enterprises owned and managed by Korean-Japanese, who constitute the largest ethnic minority in Japanese society, have tended to focus their business activities in certain specific industries. This paper examines the inter and intra-industry dynamics behind the concentration of their economic domains. In particular, I clarify the historical reasons for the considerable entry of ethnic Korean-owned firms into the Nishijin kimono manufacturing in Kyoto, which is considered one of the symbolic businesses of traditional Japanese beauty. I then investigate the economic and social mechanisms through which Korean businesses, such as those in Kyoto, have transferred their resources from declining industries to growing ones. After World War II, Korean businesses entered the Kyoto textile industry by utilizing resources that they had accumulated within their ethnic community. The community functioned as a facilitator of business opportunities, through informal information networks. Once the enterprises were established, however, they did not maintain any special relationships among themselves, and they actually competed against each other, while they conducted regular transactions with the mainstream Japanese business community. Each firm nurtured its own competitiveness, and consequently they each exhibited different rates of growth and profitability. The ethnic networks, however, initially played a significant role in directing the entry of ethnic Koreans into certain industries. Moreover, the same mechanism played a role in the expeditious exit of those textile companies from their declining businesses. Once again, ethnic information networks facilitated the shift of economic activities, this time towards the pinball amusement industry, which has become the most representative industry of ethnic Koreans in Japan to this day. In sum, the ethnic community acted as an active agent which made the barriers of entry, exit, and mobility between industries much lower for the ethnic Korean community in Japan.
著者
林 采成
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.1, pp.1-15, 2006-10-30 (Released:2017-08-30)

With the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, the Japanese continental railroad system was expanded from Korea and Manchuria into northern China. The management of the railroad became the prerequisite condition that enabled the maintenance of a large occupied territory, the execution of military strategy, and the supply of Chinese strategic goods required for the Japanese wartime economy. Management resources were supplied from the South Manchuria Railway, Inc., and a new transportation entity called the North China Railway Co. (NCR) was established in Northern China. While this entity was formed as a result of Northern China separation maneuvers, the Japanese side compulsorily enforced the nationwide unity of railroad management. Wartime transportation was not limited to the local area of Northern China, but was also strongly interlinked with policy deployment in Manchuria and colonial Korea. Consequently, a huge transportation demand was also generated locally both internal and external to the region. Nevertheless, since strengthening of the transport capacity by huge investment was impossible because of lack of resources, the NCR tried to enhance transport capacity by increasing the number and frequency of trains in operation. By this means a labor-intensive railroad management system was realized with a concomitant increase in traffic and improvement in productivity. However, after the outbreak of the Pacific War, in order to compensate for the decline of marine transportation tonnage, alternative land transportation was deemed necessary to make possible the supply of important materials from Northern China to Japan. Although the necessity for unified management of a continental railroad system was increasingly clear, the shortage of transport capacity was too vast, and conventional operation became impossible. Consequently the NCR had no choice but to impose rigorous transportation controls over local traffic. The NCR however was doomed to failure. Aggravated by resource restrictions, U.S. air strikes, increasingly intense activity by anti-Japanese guerrillas and continued severe cold, the NCR reached the limits of its management capability and faced a transportation crisis.
著者
平山 勉
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.2, pp.1-17, 2009

The purpose of this article is to clarify the actions of the South Manchuria Railways Company (SMR) and its shareholders during the period of the 1933 SMR stock issue, using documents from the closed institutional records of its Tokyo branch. My interest in this issue is to establish how the SMR achieved this capital increase from private sector shareholders and investors in general, given the turbulent business environment resulting from the Manchurian Incident and the resulting increased scrutiny of the SMR itself. At the same time, I consider the significance of changes in the shareholder body during the take-up period by examining the reorganization of the SMR. In summary, this article establishes the following four points. First, bids for the newly-issued common stock were distributed approximately into two groups, the majority of bids clustering around the 53 yen mark, below the lower price of the offering. The record of the public offering shows that while some general investors were enthusiastic during the "Manchuria boom," others demonstrated a rather more cool attitude. Second, after the new stock came into circulation, it was rural shareholders who took up new and outstanding stock sold off by urban shareholders in areas such as Tokyo, Osaka, Aichi, Kanagawa and Hyogo prefectures. The proportion of stock held by rural shareholders increased, and the number of shareholders also showed a greater rate of increase in rural areas than in urban. Throughout the take-up period, the relative importance of rural shareholders increased within the SMR shareholder body. Third, the sale of SMR stock by urban shareholders was triggered by political intervention in the SMR from the period of the Manchurian Incident to the time of the stock issue and the resulting management uncertainty and poor outlook. On the other hand, the reason that rural shareholders bought up the stock was that within the context of a widening loss of confidence in regional banks, an improved "environment for investment" brought about the stable circulation of reliable SMR stock which was seen as a haven for investment Finally, the transformed shareholder body successfully demanded the restructuring of the SMR to ensure the recovery of the share price and the payment of dividends Within the context of an increase of issued stock and diversification of the body of shareholders, the SMR could not ignore the specific demands of a large body of shareholders, numbering some tens of thousands of registered individuals, and as such it may be said that the shareholder body was able to exert a form of "governance" over the SMR.