著者

高槻 泰郎

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.4, pp.72-74, 2011

著者

竹田 泉

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.2, pp.18-33, 2006-01-30 (Released:2017-08-30)

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Why did the Irish linen industry, which had spread throughout the country by the latter half of the 18th century, experience a rapid decline at the end of that century? The purpose of this paper is to present a colonial image of the 18th-century Irish linen industry, by investigating the policies England forced on the Irish linen industry, and how Ireland reacted to them. England's late 17th-century measure to promote the manufacture of linens in Ireland was a typical mercantile policy that was carefully designed to pursue the national interests of England, which was, at that point, the development of the English woollen industry. However, when linen manufacturing began to develop in Lancashire in the mid 18th-century, it became unfavourable for England to encourage the linen manufacture in Ireland, because it was an obstacle to the development of the Lancashire linen industry. The persons concerned in the linen trade in Ireland rarely felt that they were dependent upon the economic conditions of England as long as they were given enough encouragement. However, once the English Parliament passed a bill that gave the Lancashire linen industry priority over that of Ireland in 1770 (the 1771 Act), they came to recognise that their industry was a colonial type. After the 1771 Act, the Irish linen industry was depressed sharply while that of Lancashire continued to expand. Furthermore, the outbreak of the War of Independence in colonial America decreased the exports of Irish linens. To overcome these difficulties, the Irish linen industry pressured the English government, and finally got the freedom to trade with the British colonies. It was ironic, however, that by acquiring this freedom, Ireland became aware that there existed many other oppressive British policies over Ireland. In Irish political history, the 1770s and 1780s, when Ireland fought for liberty from England, have been understood positively, but through this movement for freedom, the Irish linen industry realised that there existed the limits of their development, and that they were incorporated into the growth process of the Lancashire linen industry as a yarn supplier. Furthermore, at the time they clarified this recognition, the Lancashire linen industry was ending its dependence upon Ireland for linen yarns, and taking a lean forward to the manufacture of pure cottons-calicoes.

著者

竹田 泉

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.2, pp.18-33, 2006

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Why did the Irish linen industry, which had spread throughout the country by the latter half of the 18th century, experience a rapid decline at the end of that century? The purpose of this paper is to present a colonial image of the 18th-century Irish linen industry, by investigating the policies England forced on the Irish linen industry, and how Ireland reacted to them. England's late 17th-century measure to promote the manufacture of linens in Ireland was a typical mercantile policy that was carefully designed to pursue the national interests of England, which was, at that point, the development of the English woollen industry. However, when linen manufacturing began to develop in Lancashire in the mid 18th-century, it became unfavourable for England to encourage the linen manufacture in Ireland, because it was an obstacle to the development of the Lancashire linen industry. The persons concerned in the linen trade in Ireland rarely felt that they were dependent upon the economic conditions of England as long as they were given enough encouragement. However, once the English Parliament passed a bill that gave the Lancashire linen industry priority over that of Ireland in 1770 (the 1771 Act), they came to recognise that their industry was a colonial type. After the 1771 Act, the Irish linen industry was depressed sharply while that of Lancashire continued to expand. Furthermore, the outbreak of the War of Independence in colonial America decreased the exports of Irish linens. To overcome these difficulties, the Irish linen industry pressured the English government, and finally got the freedom to trade with the British colonies. It was ironic, however, that by acquiring this freedom, Ireland became aware that there existed many other oppressive British policies over Ireland. In Irish political history, the 1770s and 1780s, when Ireland fought for liberty from England, have been understood positively, but through this movement for freedom, the Irish linen industry realised that there existed the limits of their development, and that they were incorporated into the growth process of the Lancashire linen industry as a yarn supplier. Furthermore, at the time they clarified this recognition, the Lancashire linen industry was ending its dependence upon Ireland for linen yarns, and taking a lean forward to the manufacture of pure cottons-calicoes.

著者

松浦 義弘

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.2, pp.51-61, 1991

著者

シュペーラー マルク シュトレープ ヨッヘン 雨宮 昭彦 三ツ石 郁夫

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.4, pp.46-58, 2008-07-30

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More than half a century after the collapse of the Third Reich, satisfactory economic explanations for the most important economic processes of the Nazi period are still lacking. That is why these economic processes are often christened "miracles" by historians. Recently, however, a group of German economic historians started the attempt to demystify these "miracles" with the help of modern economic theory and econometrics. In this review article, we present both the new methods and the new results of this research programme to Japanese scholars. In section 2, under the headline "Deformed economic miracle" we analyse the distorted macroeconomic development of the Third Reich until the outbreak of the Second World War. In section 3, headed "The 'miracle' of the armament industry", we show that the Nazis directed the German economy generally not by compulsion and the threat of violence but by setting adequate economic incentives which secured the voluntary cooperation of profit-oriented entrepreneurs.

著者

坂口 正彦

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.3, pp.62-64, 2016

著者

今久保 幸生

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.47-49, 2013

著者

韓 載香

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.69-72, 2014

著者

川越 修

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.3, pp.20-27, 2004-04-30 (Released:2017-08-30)

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本論文の課題は,19世紀末から20世紀前半にかけてのドイツにおける乳児死亡問題と母子保健制度の展開過程という限定された事例の検討を通じて,現在大きな転換点に立っている先進工業社会(=都市型社会)の制度的基盤(=制度としての社会国家)と,それが内包する問題点を歴史的に考察することにある.こうした課題設定に従って,以下,(1)19世紀から20世紀への世紀転換点に西ヨーロッパ社会がほぼ共時的に経験した社会変動,(2)世紀転換期から第一次世界大戦を経てヴァイマル共和国時代へと至る時期のドイツにおける,乳児死亡問題と母子保健問題の展開,(3)ヴァイマル期からナチ期にかけての母子保健制度の展開過程の分析から浮かび上がるナチ社会像,(4)20世紀前半のドイツ社会の歴史的経験の意味,という4点を中心に考察を進めて行くことにしよう.

著者

白木沢 旭児

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.3, pp.31-39, 2010-04-30 (Released:2017-08-30)

参考文献数

43

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This paper first considers whether the controlled economy in the first half of the 1930s was directly connected with the controlled economy of wartime Japan, and second, aims to clarify the meaning of the terms "modification of capitalism" and "reorganization of capitalism". Regarding the first point, in the first half of the 1930s it was thought that a controlled economy and market monopolization were almost the same thing. However, the evils of monopolization were well recognized after economic recovery from the Great Depression, such that the view of the controlled economy as monopolization came to be criticized. Moreover, confrontation between vocational organizations intensified in the first half of the 1930s. Although control regulation for small and medium-sized enterprises existed, for example, in the form of industrial guilds, this was not available to major companies. This problem was solved at last by the 1940 Key-Industries Association Act. Concerning the second point, in the first half of the 1930s, correction of capitalism meant the abolition of laissez-faire capitalism. On the other hand, profit control at companies aiming at low prices was asserted late in the 1930s, and companies were expected not just to pursue profit, but also to work for the improvement of the public good. However, profit controls were not instituted, and bureaucrats who tried to do so in earnest were arrested. As such, controlled economy theory came to have no meaning. In contrast, I term the theory of controlled economy which prospered in 1940s Japan the Japanese-principle controlled economy theory. Controlled economy theory and profit control was not inherited in the postwar period. Consequently, it is suggested that the theory of the controlled economy was different in each of the prewar, wartime and postwar periods. Future research will focus on postwar vocational organizations and control organizations, such as industrial guilds, which continued in existence from the prewar into the postwar period.

著者

井上 貴子

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.2, pp.30-38, 2016-01-30

著者

崔 在東

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.15-31, 2011-01-30

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From the late 19th century to the early 20th century, there was a ten-fold increase in fire incidents in rural Russia. In particular, from the beginning of the 20th century until right before WWI there was a two- to three-fold increase in fire incidents in comparison to the end of the 19th century. Arson was the cause of some 30 percent of these fires, but in some regions and provinces over 50 percent were caused by arson. Fires did not necessarily lead to bankruptcy for Russian peasants, but were an opportunity to receive a significant payment of insurance money that enabled them to reset their economic situation. Peasants in Moscow province actively purchased coverage in the higher zemstvo additional insurance program, the zemstvo voluntary insurance program and from fire insurance companies. As a result in 1904, more than 40 percent of those who purchased zemstvo compulsory insurance coverage received 70 to 80 percent of the registered value of the insured asset, the value of which was frequently overestimated two or three times. 50 percent of policy holders of zemstvo compulsory insurance received payouts in 1909, while more than 60 percent did so in 1914. Farmers in Russia did not consider it a shame or a crime to cause arson, if it was not harmful to others. They saw arson as a quicker and more secure way to resolve the economic difficulties of rural management than bringing issues to the courts, which took into consideration various interests, or by bringing issues forward for an administrative procedure. It was not only quicker and easier to receive a large insurance payout for fire and arson, but insurance payouts also resolved the problems more quickly. In addition, there were very few cases where a suspect of arson was tried and punished as a criminal. During WWI and the Russian Revolution in 1917, there was a sharp decrease in the number of fire incidents. The primary reason for this was that the economic gain from insurance payouts decreased remarkably due to the sudden rise of prices for building materials and of worker pay. For this reason, in contrast to the 1905 Revolution, farmers seeking to restart their businesses during the revolutionary period beginning in 1917 were extremely careful about fire and arson.

著者

本田 由紀 堤 孝晃

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.3, pp.23-33, 2014-04-30

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Since the 1970s, Japan's high-school system has been characterized by a lack of institutional diversity, or in other words by an oversupply of general studies programs and undersupply of vocational programs. This paper reexamines the social context of the 1970s policy shift and proposes an alternative to the dominant view that the striking decline of high-school vocational courses in the 1970s and '80s was the inevitable result of their dysfunctions. In the 1960s, Japan's educational policy-makers pursued the institutional diversification of high schools in response both to the high demand for trained manpower in developing industries and to the increase in the proportion of students advancing to high school. Around 1970, however, educational policy made an about-face, depreciating vocational programs and promoting the flexible and individualized approach of general coursework. One possible explanation for this abrupt change in policy is that just when the Japanese government was facing serious financial challenges following the oil shock in 1973, it was also confronted with the need to establish more and more high schools, especially in metropolitan areas which had seen significant population increases during the high-growth years of the '60s. The only way to reconcile these conflicting circumstances was to establish general studies programs, the construction and operation of which were far cheaper than those of vocational courses. Another possible factor was the demand for general-studies high schools by members of the upper and middle classes, including government officials, teachers and academics, who most highly valued the path to university and white-collar careers. These factors together served to counteract and overwhelm the demand for vocational education that persisted from small and medium-size enterprises and from families that expected their children to take stable jobs after graduating high school. The result was the establishment of vertical diversification among schools and among students within general courses and the steady decline of the relevance of high-school education to occupational training. This study suggests the need for a thorough reconsideration of Japan's high-school policies, both past and present.

著者

林 幸司

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.3, pp.68-70, 2015-04-30

著者

平沢 照雄

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.1, pp.1-14, 2007-10-30

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This paper analyzes the case of the Electric Lamp Glass Industry to discuss the development of Japan's economic control over medium and small companies, the industrial cooperation movement in the 1930s, and the relationship that existed between the two. I focus specifically on the official recognition accredited to the labor union, Kanto Electric Lamp Glass Industry Labor Union (KELGILU) by the trade association, Tokyo Electric Lamp Bulb Association (TELBA), and the labor agreement between them. I find that (1) TELBA acted negatively toward the official recognition of KELGILU when the union was initially established; and that (2) TELBA authorized KELGILU and entered into a labor agreement after handling the problem of the sales of surplus products to outside customers by Tokyo Electric Corporation and dealing with the labor dispute at Marusa Factory. I also find that the Industrial Cooperation Committee (ICC) was established as the management-labor consulting organization; and that the industrial cooperation movement developed after the signing of the labor agreement. Most importantly, I highlight the following: First, the mutual aid system, which consisted of sick pay, life insurance, and retirement allowance, was established through the activities of ICC. Second, standard wages common to all factories were established. Under this new system, factories that offered wages lower than the standard were obliged to raise wages, and attempts were made to improve working conditions on an industry-wide basis. Third, the sales-price control that TELBA attempted to implement at the time was not fully adhered to by the industry. ICC, therefore, pursued the application of price control via suspension of the supply of KELGILU workers to those factories that violated the control. Similarly, ICC systematically applied the labor supply suspension against factories that did not cooperate with the establishment of the above-mentioned mutual aid system and the adoption of the standard wages. I conclude that the economic control and industrial cooperation movement developed in complement as a way to bring about both stabilization of business administration and improvement of working conditions in the Electric Lamp Glass Industry.

著者

小堀 聡

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.3, pp.48-64, 2007-04-30

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze how the efforts of energy-saving developed in interwar Japan, in particular focusing on the nensho shido (technical guidance for fuel burning),which encouraged improvements in factories' fuel-burning technologies. From the end of the 1910's, against a background of not only rising coal prices but also a consciousness of the limits of domestic coal reserves, the Fuel Research Laboratory of the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce was established and engineers and researchers interested in combustion engineering organized a group called the Fuel Society of Japan. In the second half of the 1920's, activities promoting fuel economy were implemented in several prefectures among which Osaka prefecture proved most aggressive in Japan. The Osaka Prefectural Institute for Industrial Management (OPIIM) established its nensho shido division in 1929 and provided guidance to local factories in saving fuel. OPIIM guidance focused on the methods in which the factory boiler workers burned fuel, rather than building new facilities or refitting older facilities for burning fuel. Furthermore, because OPIIM thought that in order to improve the manner of burning it was necessary for boiler workers to acquire higher levels of skill, Osaka prefecture established a qualification for boiler workers and OPIIM opened a training school for them. Osaka prefecture's development of nensho shido was considered an industrial rationalization, and therefore was imitated by several municipalities and regional organizations for industrial management. Furthermore, the Ministry of Commerce and Industry, which had become more interested in fuel economy from the beginning of the 1930's, started nensho shido in 1938 as the Sino-Japanese war exacerbated the tight coal supply situation. It was technicians from Osaka being posted to or sometimes visiting the other regions that promoted the spread of nensho shido. During the interwar era, nensho shido was immature because the scope of guidance was limited to burning with a boiler. However, the groups of combustion engineering technicians formed during the interwar era would later lead the development of energy-saving technology in wartime and postwar Japan. Since the interwar era, against the background of limited domestic resources, Japanese industrial rationalization has made a point of reducing production costs rather than acquiring merits of scale.

著者

大沢 武彦

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.54-56, 2013-01-30

著者

嶋 理人

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会 ; 2002-

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.1, pp.28-42, 2012-10

著者

沼尻 晃伸

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.4, pp.34-41, 2004-07-30

著者

廣田 功

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.60-61, 2003-10-30