著者
林 采成
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.53, no.1, pp.46-62, 2010-10-30 (Released:2017-08-30)
参考文献数
62

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the personnel management of Japanese National Railways (JNR) during the wartime period and clarify the postwar implications of that policy. When the Sino-Japanese War broke out, JNR faced great instability of railroad labor and a concomitant attenuation of skills. In response, JNR reinforced its internal training system and adjusted the disposition of its limited human resources. Through the expansion of incentives including allowances, bonuses and fringe benefits, the decline of real wages was halted. Programs for the ideological reinforcement of laborers' spirit and lifestyle were implemented as well. However, as the war escalated to become the Pacific War, labor supply was further restricted, finally running short, and the quality of labor consequently deteriorated. As a countermeasure, JNR implemented administrative streamlining and established a personnel maintenance committee, focusing human resources allocation within the organization according to importance. Female workers and students were employed as a new source of labor. In particular, to compensate for a marked decline in living standards, chances of promotion were expanded. Railroad operational efficiency was achieved through this personnel management style and in 1943 JNR reached the highest level of productivity since its foundation. Nonetheless, in the face of a transportation crisis and with a mainland battle seeming imminent, JNR could not avoid conversion to a military organization. For this conversion, a new rank of Vice Associate Railroad Officer was established as a temporary measure and more than 100,000 personnel were promoted to this rank and the existing Associate Railroad Officer. At the same time, the lowest rank of employee was abolished. These wartime measures and the military organization of JNR were reformed during the radical postwar reorganization of Japanese National Railways under the Allied occupation of Japan.
著者
金 慧昇
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.2, pp.1-16, 2018-01-30 (Released:2020-01-30)
参考文献数
34

The primary aim of this paper is to re‒evaluate female labourers' participation in the Preston strike of 1853. This paper also explores how and why those female labourers came to demand the withdrawal of married women from the labour market, despite the fact that they had been obvious participants in labour movements. Much of the research on the Preston strike of 1853 has not give sufficient attention to women’s roles in the strike, so this study seeks to compensate for that neglect through an examination of local newspapers such as the Preston Chronicle and contemporary pamphlets. The investigation shows that women were important supporters of the strike through their attendance at operatives’ meetings, subscription to strike funds, and criticism of blacklegs.This paper discusses the fact that the demand by females that married women leave the factories was the result of the influence of the Chartist and factory reform movements of the 1830s. Female labourers actively participated in the 1853 strike having already forged their identity as wage labourers, but they were affected by the shared perspective of the two movements regarding female wage labour, and especially the view that married women’s wage labor constituted a social problem and that women’s duty as wives and mothers should be emphaslzed. The evidence suggests that by expressing sympathy with the resolution calling on all married women to withdraw from the labour market, female labourers expected the following results : first, an increase in wages(especially for males) due to the restricted supply of labour ; second, the alleviation of the double burden on married women who were responsible for both wage labour and housework ; and finally, maintenance of the economic independence of single women labourers.The agreement with the prohibition of married women's wage labour shows that married and unmarried women had different identities, and that they differed not only in social status but also in their own awareness of themselves. This paper concludes that this divergence in identities was a product of the gap between the working‒class ideal of family‒wage/male breadwinner ideology and the reality of English society, which relied on a female labour force. Nevertheless, though confronted with opposition to women’s wage labour, female labourers maintained their position as wage‒earners and did not cease to support labour movements in the nineteenth century. And their experiences as important actors in labour agitations can be understood as a pard of the prehistory of the female labour movements that flourished after the 1870s.
著者
金井 雄一
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.1, pp.16-29, 2017-10-30 (Released:2019-10-30)
参考文献数
66

Expansionary monetary policies (policies for increasing the money supply) are often adopted when the economy is in a slump. However, a fundamental issue in monetary policy is whether a central bank can control the money supply by manipulating the monetary base. As is well known, this question has effectively divided the field of economics into two schools. The exogenous and endogenous money theories have offered conflicting views on money supply since the mid‒18th century, and even today’s application of econometric methods to the question has ended in fruitless debate. This perhaps means that we should look beyond econometric approaches to settle the dispute. This paper argues that an examination of banknotes from a historical perspective might bring about the resolution of the longstanding debate.From its foundation in 1694, the Bank of England issued pieces of paper (running cash notes) as receipts in exchange for deposits, and these pieces of paper gradually began to circulate. This is how the Bank of England’s notes came into being. Originally they acted simply as notes that the Bank of England promised to repay to the depositors or bearers; they were entered as debts in the book of outstanding banknotes, known as the “Clearer.” The Bank of England also issued its notes in other banking activities such as discount drafts and loans. The notes with their varying written amounts ultimately evolved into notes with printed denominations.As suggested above, banknotes came into existence only when a credit relationship was established, and they expired with the expiry of that credit relationship. Since a banknote went from the bank of issue into the real economy only when a credit transaction was conducted, the bank of issue could not control quantity of banknotes in circulation. As previous studies have shown, goldsmith bankers had by the end of the 17th century constructed a payment and settlement system that used transfers of deposit monies. Banknotes became a means for adding or withdrawing money from one’s balance.In summary, it was not banknotes that enabled the settlement of payments by allowing the transfer of deposits, but rather that the settlement of payments through the transfer of deposits gave rise to banknotes. Banknotes were a product of the credit system. In other words, a bank of issue can not increase or reduce deposits or banknotes arbitrarily. Should we therefore recognize that both deposits and banknotes are born endogenously?
著者
大門 正克
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.62, no.3, pp.18-28, 2020-04-30 (Released:2022-04-30)
参考文献数
20

The purpose of this study is to perform dynamic analyses of the relationship between corporate society during the high‒growth period of the Japanese economy and modern family (homemakers) in order to identify the connection between labor‒force reproduction and lifestyle. This paper analyzes “Nittsu Dayori”, the internal newsletters published by Nippon Express Co., Ltd. and “Nittsu Rodo”, its labor’s press. “Nittsu Dayori” describes the ideal images of its employees and their wives. It also demands that wives should manage family life, paying attention to such areas as the safety of husband, their health, and hygiene, understanding the company business, and taking care of children’s education, family health, hygiene, and housework. One of the messages posted in “Nittsu Dayori” by a homemaker pictures her efforts to please her husband who is tired from work and in a bad mood.The asymmetric image of husband and wife is also shown in “Nittsu Rodo”. Housewife norms and her daily practice in life played an important role in labor‒force reproduction during the high‒growth period of the Japanese economy, and remains to a great extent in current Japanese society.
著者
林 采成
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.3, pp.28-36, 2016-04-30 (Released:2018-04-30)
参考文献数
20

This paper focuses on the Korea-U.S. Combined Economic Board (CEB), which developed comprehensive policies for the Korean economy after the Korean War, and reconsiders presuppositions about the “development period” by examining economic recovery and stabilization under the American aid program.Rehabilitation and stabilization in the Korean economy were achieved through cooperation and opposition between Korea and the U.S. The CEB played a central role in this process. Although it is true that significant differences of opinion occurred over the amount and composition of economic aid, the accumulation and use of counterpart funds, and exchange rates, the MSA programs that integrated economic aid and military assistance ultimately caused more friction than did the philosophies of CEB participants. The result was issues over how Korea and the U.S. would share the economic expenses for post-war rehabilitation.Once the exchange rate was adjusted to meet the increase in prices, a system of cooperation between Korea and the U.S. was formulated, including exchanges in manpower, and management of the Korean economy became highly sophisticated. In particular, the Korean government implemented plans that succeeded in stabilizing the economy, enabling long-term maintenance of the exchange rate. In other words, from the mid-1950s on, Korea and the U.S. were able to avoid excessive friction. The introduction of large volumes of aid supplies enabled Korea to implement an array of projects and thereby to return to its prewar production levels, and long-term economic development plans were drawn up with U.S. support with the aim of enhancing Korea’s capacity for economic independence. The Korean government, however, seeking to stay in power, failed to rein in the sharp increase in prices, and was therefore unable to extend exchange-rate adjustments with the U.S. Ultimately, it faced an economic crisis that resulted in the early demise of its long-term economic development plans.The above shows that, contrary to the premise of “collapse” and “delay” presented in existing research, the Korean economy of the 1950s did achieve rehabilitation after the war, as well as economic stabilization, and was able to lay the groundwork for the “development period.” Fluctuations in economic aid are not enough to explain the process. That is, the rehabilitation and stabilization of the Korean economy would be impossible without the accumulation of experience and the resulting maturity of administrative capacity.
著者
平山 勉
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.2, pp.1-17, 2009-01-30 (Released:2017-08-30)

The purpose of this article is to clarify the actions of the South Manchuria Railways Company (SMR) and its shareholders during the period of the 1933 SMR stock issue, using documents from the closed institutional records of its Tokyo branch. My interest in this issue is to establish how the SMR achieved this capital increase from private sector shareholders and investors in general, given the turbulent business environment resulting from the Manchurian Incident and the resulting increased scrutiny of the SMR itself. At the same time, I consider the significance of changes in the shareholder body during the take-up period by examining the reorganization of the SMR. In summary, this article establishes the following four points. First, bids for the newly-issued common stock were distributed approximately into two groups, the majority of bids clustering around the 53 yen mark, below the lower price of the offering. The record of the public offering shows that while some general investors were enthusiastic during the "Manchuria boom," others demonstrated a rather more cool attitude. Second, after the new stock came into circulation, it was rural shareholders who took up new and outstanding stock sold off by urban shareholders in areas such as Tokyo, Osaka, Aichi, Kanagawa and Hyogo prefectures. The proportion of stock held by rural shareholders increased, and the number of shareholders also showed a greater rate of increase in rural areas than in urban. Throughout the take-up period, the relative importance of rural shareholders increased within the SMR shareholder body. Third, the sale of SMR stock by urban shareholders was triggered by political intervention in the SMR from the period of the Manchurian Incident to the time of the stock issue and the resulting management uncertainty and poor outlook. On the other hand, the reason that rural shareholders bought up the stock was that within the context of a widening loss of confidence in regional banks, an improved "environment for investment" brought about the stable circulation of reliable SMR stock which was seen as a haven for investment Finally, the transformed shareholder body successfully demanded the restructuring of the SMR to ensure the recovery of the share price and the payment of dividends Within the context of an increase of issued stock and diversification of the body of shareholders, the SMR could not ignore the specific demands of a large body of shareholders, numbering some tens of thousands of registered individuals, and as such it may be said that the shareholder body was able to exert a form of "governance" over the SMR.
著者
高柳 友彦
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.3, pp.41-58, 2006-04-30 (Released:2017-08-30)

Although hot spring usage was restricted by community regulations in the Edo period, with the relaxation of restrictions in modern times, the exploitation of hot springs rapidly progressed. The increased usage of hot springs has brought problems involving adjustment to the development and conservation of hot springs in hot springs regions. This paper clarifies the process through which local communities balanced development with conservation of hot springs after the social class-based restrictions were dismantled, using the region of Atami, Shizuoka prefecture, as an example. During the Edo period, one inn, the Yuko, maintained power in Atami with the backing of the Tokugawa shogunate. The Yuko monopolized the usage of the largest geyser (the "oyu") and ruled Atami socially and economically. After the Meiji Restoration, rule by the Yuko collapsed, and the privatization and exploitation of hot springs progressed. The balance of development and conservation changed with the regulations of 1884 to a policy of self-adjustment between hot spring users, based on one control center. After the 1900's, with the development of the railroad, and the Russo-Japanese War, the situation of the spas of Atami changed. The exploitation of hot springs by outsiders, as well as by inn masters who ignored the regulations, increased, and the policy of self-adjustment by hot spring users which had existed until then ceased to function. As a result of this dysfunction, the policy of self-adjustment was replaced with new rules regarding usage of the hot-springs, which were to be enforced by the police. However, the police were ineffective, and new disputes arose. Thereafter, Shizuoka prefecture gave Atami ward the exclusive right to develop and exploit its hot springs. Atami ward established an administrative organization and stabilized the usage of hot springs in the ward. This organization successfully managed and stabilized hot spring use in Atami.
著者
小島 庸平
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.3, pp.26-37, 2019-04-30 (Released:2021-04-30)
参考文献数
25

This paper investigates how and why consumer-financing firms became highly developed during the post-war era in Japan. Although previous studies have emphasized the inadequacy of consumer finance regulation, this paper focuses on the strategy of lenders and the characteristics of borrowers from the 1960s to the 1980s.It is said that the number of “amateur usurers” increased among white-collar workers during the Great Depression. Even in the 1950s, there was still room for ‘amateur usury’ businesses, some of which were founded in the new public housing complexes of the time. The biggest benefit of “housing-complex finance” was that it saved the cost of credit checks. Because public housing complexes strictly investigated the incomes and assets of their applicants before allowing them to become residents, moneylenders in the housing complexes could substitute those inquiries for the usual credit checks.Other consumer financing firms founded in the 1960s also saved the cost of credit checks by using information from the borrower’s place of employment. White-collar workers in listed firms were evaluated on the basis of their overall character and therefore faced a certain dilemma. While they had to be sociable to maintain their reputations as good colleagues or superiors, the wining and dining expenses imposed a burden on their family budgets. They had to borrow secretly in order to make ends meet, but fearful that they’d be found out, they were avoided to an extreme degree any chance of defaulting on their debt. This made them very advantageous for consumer financing firms. During the rapid growth period, lenders used information about workplaces and residences as their standards for evaluating creditworthiness.After the 1973 oil crisis, however, there was a drastic change in how people used the money they borrowed from consumer financing firms. Unlike the 1960s, when male workers were the main customers, many housewives struggling from he recession started to use consumer finance to cover deficits in the family budget. This meant a greater risk of default than before and a need for more sophisticated approaches to lending. Consumer-financing firms introduced new statistical methods for analyzing creditworthiness and shared information with each other regarding defaulters, effectively instituting black lists. The corporate effort to introduce these innovations was essential to the development of consumer finance in the post-war era.
著者
韓 載香
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, no.3, pp.37-55, 2005-04-30 (Released:2017-08-30)
被引用文献数
1

Enterprises owned and managed by Korean-Japanese, who constitute the largest ethnic minority in Japanese society, have tended to focus their business activities in certain specific industries. This paper examines the inter and intra-industry dynamics behind the concentration of their economic domains. In particular, I clarify the historical reasons for the considerable entry of ethnic Korean-owned firms into the Nishijin kimono manufacturing in Kyoto, which is considered one of the symbolic businesses of traditional Japanese beauty. I then investigate the economic and social mechanisms through which Korean businesses, such as those in Kyoto, have transferred their resources from declining industries to growing ones. After World War II, Korean businesses entered the Kyoto textile industry by utilizing resources that they had accumulated within their ethnic community. The community functioned as a facilitator of business opportunities, through informal information networks. Once the enterprises were established, however, they did not maintain any special relationships among themselves, and they actually competed against each other, while they conducted regular transactions with the mainstream Japanese business community. Each firm nurtured its own competitiveness, and consequently they each exhibited different rates of growth and profitability. The ethnic networks, however, initially played a significant role in directing the entry of ethnic Koreans into certain industries. Moreover, the same mechanism played a role in the expeditious exit of those textile companies from their declining businesses. Once again, ethnic information networks facilitated the shift of economic activities, this time towards the pinball amusement industry, which has become the most representative industry of ethnic Koreans in Japan to this day. In sum, the ethnic community acted as an active agent which made the barriers of entry, exit, and mobility between industries much lower for the ethnic Korean community in Japan.
著者
林 采成
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.1, pp.1-15, 2006-10-30 (Released:2017-08-30)

With the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, the Japanese continental railroad system was expanded from Korea and Manchuria into northern China. The management of the railroad became the prerequisite condition that enabled the maintenance of a large occupied territory, the execution of military strategy, and the supply of Chinese strategic goods required for the Japanese wartime economy. Management resources were supplied from the South Manchuria Railway, Inc., and a new transportation entity called the North China Railway Co. (NCR) was established in Northern China. While this entity was formed as a result of Northern China separation maneuvers, the Japanese side compulsorily enforced the nationwide unity of railroad management. Wartime transportation was not limited to the local area of Northern China, but was also strongly interlinked with policy deployment in Manchuria and colonial Korea. Consequently, a huge transportation demand was also generated locally both internal and external to the region. Nevertheless, since strengthening of the transport capacity by huge investment was impossible because of lack of resources, the NCR tried to enhance transport capacity by increasing the number and frequency of trains in operation. By this means a labor-intensive railroad management system was realized with a concomitant increase in traffic and improvement in productivity. However, after the outbreak of the Pacific War, in order to compensate for the decline of marine transportation tonnage, alternative land transportation was deemed necessary to make possible the supply of important materials from Northern China to Japan. Although the necessity for unified management of a continental railroad system was increasingly clear, the shortage of transport capacity was too vast, and conventional operation became impossible. Consequently the NCR had no choice but to impose rigorous transportation controls over local traffic. The NCR however was doomed to failure. Aggravated by resource restrictions, U.S. air strikes, increasingly intense activity by anti-Japanese guerrillas and continued severe cold, the NCR reached the limits of its management capability and faced a transportation crisis.
著者
平野 恭平
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.1, pp.1-15, 2014-10-30

During World War II, Japanese companies pursued the development of synthetic fibers as substitutes for such natural fibers as cotton and wool. A well-known case is polyvinyl alcohol (PVA) fiber, industrialized after the war under the brand name Vinylon by Jurashiki Rayon (Kuraray) and Dai-Nippon Cotton Spinning. This paper considers the case of Kanebian, another variety of PVA fiberm produced by Kanegafuchi Cotton Spinning (Kanebo). Kanebian's development was advanced almost concurrently with that of Vinylon but ultimately was suspended, though its realization was close at hand. The reasons why Kuraray succeeded in industrializing Vinylon and establishing its own market lie in its shift from "negative substitution" - the goal of compensating for a shortage of natural fibers -- to "positive substitution," which brought out and commercialized the peculiar attributes and attractions of synthetic fibers as substitutes for natural fibers. This process was the necessary condition for the survival of wartime substitute fibers in the postwar environment. After the war Kanebo made the reconstruction of natural fibers its highest priority, thereby delaying the development of synthetic fibers and widening the gap with Kuraray's progress. The two fibers had reached similar levels of development by the end of the war. But Kanebo's management was negative about Kanebian's prospects because of its defects in quality and cost and therefore was cool toward its further development. Kanebo's engineers worked to address these weaknesses as they emerged in the postwar years, and sought out optimum markets while watching Vinylon's progress closely. Their unrelernting effort and confidence in Kanebian's potential did not sway management's assessment of the product, however, and ultimately Kanebo discontinued the development of Kanebian. The decision to suspend development seems at first glance to have been mistaken given Kuraray's success. It has its own validity and rationality, however, when we take into consideration Kanebo's founding and principal business which was cotton spinning, the postwar recovery of the cotton spinning industry, Kanebian's technical properties and its potential, and the limited support from industrial policy at the time. This article explains this assertion in detail by studying the process from development to suspension, and considers it as an aspect of the shift from "negative" to "positive substitution."
著者
竹田 泉
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, no.4, pp.1-18, 2003-07-30

This paper regards the calico-substitute industry of 18th century Lancashire as an 'embryonic cotton industry' and investigates how it developed into pure-cotton industry. In past research, little attention has been given to the pre-water-frame era, and only fustian has been considered as a mediation to pure-cotton calico. I start by considering the question, "what was calico-substitute: fustian or linen?" I then closely examine the following two issues: 1.) how the export of Lancashire linens to the Atlantic world developed in competition with Indian calicoes, and 2.) how linen yarn for warp was supplied to Lancashire until the appearance of the water-frame. In 18th century Lancashire, linens filled the role of calico-substitutes. Both linen and fustian were linen-cotton fabrics (cotton weft and linen warp), but while linen was a thin, light cloth, fustian was heavy and thick. Furthermore, linen could be finished with bright colours, and was very suitable for underwear because it could be easily washed. Lancashire linen had the same character as calico, in that it could be used in every corner of the globe, whatever the climate. The Lancashire linen industry made products for universal use and sent them to many places in the Atlantic world. The process of the growth of the embryonic cotton industry depended heavily on the outside world, not only for the demand for the goods but also for the supply of raw materials: the Atlantic world as a market for linen, and Ireland as a supplier of linen yarns. This process was a preparatory stage for the coming pure-cotton industry. The Irish linen industry was incorporated as a yarn supplier into the growth process of the embryonic cotton industry of Lancashire. This viewpoint will help to cast further light on the relation between Britain and Ireland as well as the history of the Irish linen industry in the 18th century. At the same time, it could also offer a new perspective to the conventional question of how the British Industrial Revolution came about; that is, how important a role her closest and oldest colony, Ireland, played in its outbreak.
著者
湯澤 規子
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.62, no.3, pp.4-17, 2020-04-30 (Released:2022-04-30)
参考文献数
62

In the modern era, the rise of industry, the birth of workers, and the rapid influx of population led to the formation of new industrial communities, which in turn caused a reorganization of “life” and “labor” according to a logic and system different than those that had previously obtained. The purpose of this study is to focus on this reorganization process and to clarify how work and life were understood, and by whom, and what position they occupied in the newly prevailing logic and systems. The research examines Japan and America during the Industrial Revolution.Principally, the study examines who organized the “life” and “labor” of workers and how the reproduction of labor was accomplished. Specifically, it analyzes three categories of historical material : (1) Japanese “factory statistics”, historical materials from textile factories, and surveys by prefectural bureaus on social matters ; (2) the historical documents of textile factories in Lowell, Massachusetts, and of the Women’s Educational and Industrial Union, Boston (WEIU) ; (3) Life and Labor, the journal of the National Women’s Union Trade League established in 1903.Chapter II focuses on the formation of industrial areas in modern Japan and clarifies their regional characteristics. It reconstructs the world of daily life of male and female workers, notably in Tokyo’s Fukagawa district. Chapter Ⅲ considers the different factors among men and women influencing the reorganization of life and labor in modern Japan, focusing on historical changes in the lives of female workers.Chapters Ⅳ and Ⅴ examines textile production areas in the state of Massachusetts in 18th‒ and 19th‒century America. Comparing these cases with those of Japanese female workers in their factories, the paper analyzes the world of women working in Lowell’s textile factories (Chapter Ⅳ). Next, it discusses changes in the labor market and local communities beginning in the mid‒19th century, when the number of migrant workers increased due to the women’s labor movement (Chapter Ⅴ).Based on this research on Japan and the United States, Chapter Ⅵ shows that the actors who reorganized workers’ lives and work differed in the two cases. A discussion follows of the background for these differences, and the paper concludes with a presentation of the significance of and prospects for discussing “living” as an aspect of political‒economic history.