著者
所澤 潤
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.268, pp.221-230, 2013-12-24

The recently discovered physics notebook kept by Ms. Sho Iyoku around 1890 suggests a new perspective on the method of using the textbook Physics for Elementary School Students by Makita Goto et al. published in 1885, which is well-known as one of the best textbooks ever to be published in the history of science education in Japan. However, it has not been examined at all how it had been used in the classroom despite the fact that it is one of the most important dimensions of the evaluation of this document. The author analyzes Iyoku's notebook by combining the new knowledge of the question-and-answer method with the structure of each unit in the textbook. He then suggests that it is probable the teacher taught physics to pupils by making them copy what he wrote on a blackboard after the actual experiments in order not to make pupils refer to the textbook prior to the experiment. The author concludes that Iyoku's notebook may represent one of the first examples preceding the new teaching methodology dubbed "substitute notebook", which became widespread around 1900.
著者
渡邊 洋之
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.227, pp.129-139, 2003-09-25

This paper is to explain the process of the introduction of nutrias in Japan and the thoughts of various people who were related to it. Since nutrias was regarded as furred animals suitable for the wartime system and attracted the interest of the military, breeding of them was spread rapidly. However, the demand for nutrias furs was vanished by the defeat of WWII, then nutrias were ejected in the open air. At a later time, around 1950, breeding of nutrias became popular once again. But this boom was declined after several years and nutrias were ejected outdoors again because the boom did not expand beyond the stage of speculative business. This fact shows that in the historical context, the introduction and expansion of nutrias was not seen as a problem but even recommended, which is different from today's principle that any introduced species should be expelled. On the other hand, this paper can not confirm any fact showing the argument about the introduction of nutrias had some influence on the argument about what human society ought to be like. However, it shows that biologists have attempted to speak figuratively about nutrias by giving them various names, for example, shouri (this is a homonym of the word that means victory in Japanese) or rumin (this word means immigrants who are forced to wander in Japanese). This fact means that any discourse about the introduction of living things should become not only scientific but social.
著者
森脇 靖子
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.255, pp.163-173, 2010-09-24

In 1891, Silk Association of America warned Japanese vice-consul in New-York that the quality of Japanese raw silk was sub-standard. It advised both an improvement of silkworm breeds and a reduction in Japan's more than 300 silkworm breeds. In 1893, the engineers at the Institute of the Ministry of Agriculture and Trade (I.M.A.T.) began applying themselves to the task, though there was little scientific knowledge of breeding by crossing. By 1910, I.M.A.T. could not develop suitable silkworm breeds. However silkworm breeders had achieved some improvements through hybridization. When Kametaro Toyama who had known the breeder's breeding by crossing, began to interbreed in 1900, he did not know Mendelism. But Toyama had learned about the heredity and variation of hybridization, through the book, 'The Germ-Plasm' of A. Weismann. In 1901, he read the paper of H. de Vries and found out about Mendelism. From 1902 to 1905, he continued silkworm cross-experiments in Thailand (then Siam). In 1906, he confirmed that Mendel's law could be applied to silkworm in his doctoral dissertation. And he insisted on making f_1 hybrid for improvement of silkworm. In 1909, he published the book, 'Sansyuron' which he presented his method of breeding based on Mendelism. Only in 1910 did the engineers at the I.M.A.T., including S. Ishiwata, accept Mendelism and Toyama's methodology. After that, under the leadership of Toyama, I.M.A.T. began improving silkworm breeds and succeeded in producing an excellent f_1 hybrid by 1913. As a result, the Japanese raw silk was rapidly improved in quality.
著者
小島 智恵子
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.230, pp.106-110, 2004-06-25
著者
北林 雅洋
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.260, pp.194-198, 2011-12-27
著者
中村 士
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.250, pp.98-108, 2009-06-25

Although historical records show that a telescope was first brought about into Japan as early as in 1613, existing telescopes in Japan produced before 1750 are rare and have never been examined in detail. In 2003 and 2005, we had a chance to scrutinize the antique telescope owned by one of feudal warlords, Tokugawa Yoshinao, who was the ninth son of the first Shogun Iyeyasu and inherited a large han (clan) at Owari-Nagoya district. Since Yoshinao died in 1650, it means that his telescope was made in or before that year. Our investigations of the telescope revealed that it is of Schyrlean type, namely, a more advanced one than the Galilean telescope, consisting of four convex lenses. In Europe, the invention of the Schyrlean telescope was publicized in 1645. Optical measurements showed that Yoshinao's telescope gave erect images with a measured magnifying power of 3.9 (+/- 0.2-0.3). The design, fabrication technique of the tube and caps of the telescope, and tube decoration all point to that it is neither a Western product at all nor a pure Japanese make. It is likely that the telescope was produced probably under the guidance of the Jesuit missionary in China or by the native Chinese, near cities of Suzhou or Hangzhou in Zhejiang province of the continental China, or at Nagasaki. Based on the Japanese and Chinese historical literature, we also discuss the possibility that production of the Schyrlean telescope could have begun independently in the Far East, nearly simultaneously with the invention of that type in Europe.
著者
肱岡 義人
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.226, pp.88-100, 2003-06-25

Going against chemical tradition, Becher using a cosmological-geological approach focussed his attention on mineral bodies and fixed peculiar Principles that were water and three Earths. It is not certain that his new Principles had any important historical values. But his hierarchical structure of matter that consisted of Principles, composite and decomposita, and his chemical mixture theory that mixture of bodies of lower order formed new bodies of higher order were his original ideas and not realized by other iatro-chemists of those days. These two ideas were to some extent imaginary and not clearly demonstrated. Nevertheless, it is important that he found two levels of composita and decomposita among matters that were actually handled by human's hands. Of course chemists had often made plural matter interact mutually to obtain new bodies. But until then it was generally believed that real existing bodies were produced by a mixture of imagined Principles and were reduced again into original Principles. The above mentioned assumptions of Becher managed to combine the chemical activities of handling actual bodies with the consideration of chemists about how matter changed and by doing so, prepared the basic conditions for understanding real matter phenomena without imaginary suppositions. Up to now. historians of chemistry have only Daid attention to Becher's 'terra pinguis' in relation to the phlogiston theory of Stahl. However, Becher's idea of the hierarchical structure of matter and his mixture theory may have contributed to the modernizing of chemistry. Therefore, they would contribute to the development of chemistry in the following age. We will discuss this point when the chemistry of Stahl is examined.
著者
長岡 一夫
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.36, no.203, pp.169-175, 1997-09-29
著者
中川 保雄
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.25, no.157, pp.20-33, 1986-05-15
被引用文献数
1

It has been asserted that the investigations of atomic bomb radiation effects in Hiroshima and Nagasaki were conducted in the high traditions of scientific inquiry. These scientific data has been used for the assessments of the radiation effects from nuclear wars and for the risk estimation of low level radiation. However, the investigator for acute radiation effects was the U. S. Armed Forces Joint Commission, and then the Atomic Bomb Casualty Commission was founded by the request of the Surgeons General of U. S. Army and U. S. Navy. The Japanese scientists who worked under the control of U. S. officers had been engaged in the survey after the dropping of the atomic bombs in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, which had formed a link in the chain of the survey by the scientists who had worked for development of Japanese atomic bomb. The conclusions from the investigations by the U. S. Armed Forces Joint Commission and ABCC were derived from the following underestimations: 1) Among a variety of acute radiation syndrome, only epilation and purpura were designated specific symptoms of the acute radiation injuries. Other injuries such as fatigue, fever, anorexia and vomiting and so on were excluded from acute radiation ones. 2) Data of acute deaths in relation to the distance from the ground zero were also understimated on a basis of underrating of radiation injuries. The threshold dose of 100R for acute radiation death was a result of these underestimations. 3) The threshold dose of 25R for radiation injuries was derived quantitatively from the animal experiment during the Manhattan Project and adapted to the survivors in Hiroshima and Nagasaki to deny the radiation injuries among the people who were exposed out of 2 km from the ground zero where the atomic radiation dose was estimated about 20R. But that animal experiment of the reduction of lymphocite from X-ray dose showed that there was no threshold at 25R, but the effect could be found far below the value. The important results of acute deaths and acute injuries from atomic radiation exposure in Hiroshima and Nagasaki have been based on a number of underestimations of radiation effects. These underestimations were in connection with the American nuclear strategy in those days for monopolizing nuclear weapons, preparing nuclear wars, and developing commercial uses of nuclear power. The assessments of the radiation effects from nuclear wars and the risk estimation from low level radiation, which were based on the investigations of acute radiation effect in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, should be reexamined.