著者
千葉 慶
出版者
ジェンダー史学会
雑誌
ジェンダー史学 (ISSN:18804357)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.5-19, 2006

This paper deals with the political function of Amaterasu in the Modern Japanese Imperial State from the perspective of gender theory. What exactly was Amaterasu? First, as the ancestral goddess,she was the legitimating principle of the modern Japanese Imperial State. Second, Amaterasu was a cross-dressing goddess, an androgynous being. Androgyny was used as a sign that pointed to a being that lies beyond Power-Law; at the same time it was this higher being who defined Power-Law. In other words, androgyny was seen as the source of Power. For this reason, the attribute of hermaphroditism was included in Amaterasu as an icon of "Legitimacy" during the Restoration period and its changing social order. However, because the national order was constituted in a masculinist form, this hermaphroditic element came to be seen as threatening to patriarchy. Even so, the state could not let go of Amaterasu as a symbol of the source of authority. In the process of formation of the modern imperial nation-state, while the emperor and the government appropriated Amaterasu, her androgynous attributes were forcibly domesticated through social norms. Amaterasu could not be represented in national textbooks, staging her sacred character. This prohibition of representation symbolized at the same time the attribute of "great womanhood" (her symbolic hermaphroditism).<BR>Despite the Meiji system's consideration of her hermaphroditic attributes to be heretical, these attributes did not entirely disappear. On the one hand, Amaterasu's attributes became the fundamental support of the women's equal rights movement; on the other hand, as the hall-mark of divinity that overcomes the worldly dimension of existence, Amaterasu's attributes were incorporated by cults whose aims were social transformation. Ironically, in the second half of the Meiji period, Amaterasu's hermaphroditism, the source of power, was effaced from the sphere of "Legitimacy," to remain only in the realm of "Heresy."
著者
嶽本 新奈
出版者
ジェンダー史学会
雑誌
ジェンダー史学 (ISSN:18804357)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, pp.43-53, 2011 (Released:2012-10-01)
参考文献数
9

開国以降に海外へ出稼ぎに行った女性たちを「からゆき」と総称するが、「からゆき」の渡航に際してどのような人間が関わっていたのかを当時の九州メディアである『福岡日日新聞』、『門司新報』、『東洋日の出新聞』3紙を用い、主に「密航婦」検挙に関する記事から渡航幇助者を抽出したうえでジェンダーと役割を検討した。その結果、渡航幇助者の多面的なネットワークと、そこでの男女の役割の異同が明らかになったが、まず、渡航幇助の役割上では周旋業と国外就航船乗船までの宿泊場所提供に関しては男女の別なくどちらも役割を担っていた。一方、ジェンダー的役割に注目すると、「からゆきさんあがりの誘拐者」が自分の身をもって経済的に「成功」した実例とすることで渡航を促す役回りであったり、奉公口探しは主に同郷出身の同性に依頼するという縁故利用の習慣によって、女性という〈性〉が機能する役割があったことを確認できた。こうした属性は個々に独立したものではなく重なることもあり、女性たちが〈出稼ぎ〉目的の渡航をする際のネットワークの端緒にこのようなジェンダー的役割が組み込まれていたからこそ、数多くの女性たちが海を渡っていったといえる。このことは誘拐者とは男性であり加害者であり、「からゆき」とは女性であり被害者であるといった一面的な捉え方を排すが、同時に、女性がいかなる役回りで渡航幇助に関わっていたのかを見極める必要がある。女性もある種の加害性を帯びているのかに関しては、紙面の都合上、表象レベルにおいて新聞報道が男性幇助者と女性幇助者とでは異なり、とりわけ「からゆきさんあがりの誘拐者」は自身の過去を別の密航婦に引き継ぎしているに過ぎない受動的な主体として表象されており、その点で女性は女性の抑圧者になりきれていないことを指摘するに留めておく。
著者
大日方 純夫
出版者
ジェンダー史学会
雑誌
ジェンダー史学 (ISSN:18804357)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.21-33, 2006

Early in its establishment, the modern Japanese state introduced draft and schooling systems and made it obligatory for all of its subjects to get military training and to become educated. When incorporating a gender perspective, the difference between the two is obvious. While schooling was for both men and women, the army was only for men. Discussion of the "myth of the National Army" or the "disciplining the subjects" without recognizing this crucial difference might mistakenly reproduce another "myth."<BR>This article attempts to clarify the structure of masculinity by focusing on the Japanese army after the Russo-Japanese War. Masculinity was constructed in daily life in military barracks. This masculinity was "shown" and "tested" in actual battlefields. At the same time, the soldiers were expected to realize the "men's duty." In the Sino-Japanese and the Russo-Japanese Wars, the soldiers' masculinity was scrutinized, converging on "Yamato Damashii (the Japanese Spirit)" and "Bushido." The new "Bushido" that emerged after the Sino-Japanese War was incorporated in the Japanese military as its spiritual core. The masculinity that was constructed and emphasized in this way contributed to the emergence of extreme irrationality and spiritualism in the "Imperial Army."<BR>The "Imperial Army" depended on the extreme spiritualism to compensate for the scarcity of materials with which to pursue the war, placing too much burden on the concept of masculinity. The spiritualism nurtured "Yamato Damashii" and "Bushido" in the military. At the same time, a kind of familism was introduced into the Japanese army after the Russo-Japanese War. That is, barracks were likened to the family and the military discipline and spirit were fostered through "domestic education." Further, the military strengthened its interference into the national school system after the Russo- Japanese War and watched over the thorough infiltration of militaristic patriotism ("Chukun Aikoku") among students. The concept of masculinity was instilled into the minds of both men and women through ordinary education. Men should become soldiers and discard their lives for "royalty and courage." Such masculinity was highly praised and "Bushido" was utilized to encourage the spirit.
著者
成原 有貴
出版者
ジェンダー史学会
雑誌
ジェンダー史学 (ISSN:18804357)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, pp.39-55, 2018-10-20 (Released:2019-11-01)
参考文献数
10

「当麻曼荼羅縁起絵巻」(光明寺蔵、二巻、13 世紀)は、貴族女性が蓮糸で浄土曼荼羅を作り往生するという、当麻寺本尊の曼荼羅の縁起を描く。制作意図は未解明である。2014 年の拙稿(『美術史』176)では、女性が当麻寺に奉納するため制作させたとの先学の説に対し、曼荼羅が懸かる下巻の建物が当麻寺ではなく貴族邸宅内の信仰空間であることを論証し、異論を呈した。画中の私的空間での曼荼羅信仰は、京都の貴族邸宅での曼荼羅転写本を用いた浄土宗西山派の布教形態と合致しており、同派の布教のために制作されたと推察した。この結論を元に本論では、曼荼羅の制作過程を描く上巻第二段・第三段を対象として、蓮糸の製糸や染糸を行う主人公を含む女性たちの表現を分析し、制作意図と機能の発展的考察を試みた。上記の場面を、当麻寺寺家の制作とされる「当麻曼荼羅縁起」(当麻寺蔵、以下、掛幅本)の同場面と比較した結果、以下の特質が明らかになった。掛幅本では、蓮糸の製糸を支援する天皇の存在が強調されるが、本絵巻では、支援する側の天皇の存在を仄めかすに留め、女性たちが主体的に行動して天皇から支援を引き出し、製糸を行う。また、蓮糸を染める井戸は、掛幅本では当麻在地のものに描かれるが、本絵巻では、天智天皇に縁の場所に湧いた井戸として表され、その由緒により女性たちの染糸が神秘化され高められている。当時の貴族女性の手仕事は、夫の衣服調整に向けられ、男性を支えるためのものであった。しかし絵では、曼荼羅作成を以て手仕事の日常的意味が反転され、女性たちがその技を用い、男性の支援を得て、祈願を成就する。かかる意味の反転は、殊に女性たちの関心を惹起したと推測される。西山派の布教に関する記録中には、女性が発願したと思しき曼荼羅転写本の例もある。こうした記録と絵の特質から、本絵巻は、西山派の布教の中で、特に女性たちを曼荼羅の転写本制作へと誘うために制作されたと推察した。
著者
野田 恵子
出版者
ジェンダー史学会
雑誌
ジェンダー史学 (ISSN:18804357)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.63-76, 2006

The purpose of this essay is to interrogate the socio-historical background against which malemale intimate relations were decriminalized in late twentieth-century England, focusing on how the perception of same-sex relations changed in response to the rise of the concept of "homo-/heterosexuality," and how this affected the change in the criminal law against male-male intimate relations, which had previously been criminalized since 1885.<BR>Since the 1980s, a number of research projects, highlighting issues concerning the criminalization and/or de-criminalization of male-male intimate relations in England, have been carried out on the history of "homosexuality." Most of the research depicts the process of decriminalizing of such relations in the context of a rise of the so-called "permissive" society based on liberal political thinking. Although this essay does not deny the importance played by the emergence of liberal attitudes towards human sexuality in general, it is argued that there must be other characteristics of this process, which cannot be wholly explained by the emergence of the "permissive" society. That is, there was a transformation of the perception of same-sex intimate relations from an immoral and degraded act to "homosexuality" as an ontological state or identity which claims that the "homosexuals" are individuals who deserve the right to exist just as the "heterosexuals".<BR>This essay examines the historical circumstances under which the concept of "homo-/heterosexuality" was made, and how it circulated and subsequently changed the way people perceive human sexuality, especially male-male intimate relations. Although the emergence of the "permissive" society was a vital factor in laying the framework in which other factors could operate, by itself it cannot explicate whole story of the decriminalization process. Along with the liberalization of the general political atmosphere of society, it is crucial to examine the historical circumstances under which the change in people's perceptions of same-sex relations occurred, as well as how this in turn changed the attitudes of people toward the "homosexual".
著者
金 一虹 大橋 史恵
出版者
ジェンダー史学会
雑誌
ジェンダー史学 (ISSN:18804357)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, pp.5-28, 2010 (Released:2011-10-01)
参考文献数
8

This essay will examine the complex influences on the movement to create Iron Girls during the Cultural Revolution, evaluating the impact of the political campaign and accompanying administrative intervention on the gender division of labor. The analysis will consider the underlying economic motivations for the intervention, the ideological implications of the mobilization, and their relation to gendered social relations."Iron Girls" are one of the best-known artifacts of an extreme form of gender equality promoted during the Cultural Revolution, expressed under the slogan "men and women are the same." This essay examines the origins and decline of the movement for Iron Girls, asking why the government encouraged women to challenge the traditional model of the gender division of labor, why women responded so enthusiastically to the campaign, and whether their actions were carried out with a conscious recognition that they were struggling for equality with men. This essay will provide an objective and historical evaluation, considering whether the movement for Iron Girls was able to transform the traditional gender division of labor, whether it led to the liberation of women, and how in our own day we look upon the slogan of "men and women are the same."
著者
林 葉子
出版者
ジェンダー史学会
雑誌
ジェンダー史学 (ISSN:18804357)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, pp.35-49, 2009

The purpose of this study is to analyze the relationship between Isoo Abe's pacifism and his recommendation that 'weak' men be sterilized. We are here concerned with the problem of manliness in Isoo Abe.<BR>Little attention has been given to Abe's argument in the 1920s about the necessity for sterilization of the weak. However, it is important to note that Abe was a pacifist and recommender of sterilization in 1920's. In his view, sterilization and 'peace' were inseparably related; American society as 'civilization' was the model for Abe's image of a 'peaceful' society.<BR>Abe was influenced by the American birth control movement of Margaret Sanger, and by the American eugenic movement of Paul Popenoe and Eugene Gosney. Abe insisted that the nation should exclude immigration and 'improve the race (jinsyu-kairyo),' in order to maintain homogeneity of the 'race.' That is to say, he attached importance to the 'race' problem in order to obtain 'world peace.' To solve the 'race' problem, he introduced 'birth control' to the Japanese people, and sterilization was one of the most important means for his theory of 'birth control.'<BR>Abe promoted the sterilization of weak men, because he attached importance to manliness. He believed that it was possible to create an 'ideal' society which was based, like an army, on strong people who have 'strong bodies' and 'masculine spirit.'<BR>This issue of Abe's image of manliness is surely not irrelevant to the issue of manliness in America which was examined in the studies about American history. For example, Gail Bederman has argued that there is a strong connection between ideas of 'civilization' and 'race' and the construction of manliness in America, and therefore it is not at all strange that one of the Japanese intellectuals who had been influenced by American culture also drew a connection between the notion of manliness and 'civilization' and 'race.' Further we can identify intellectual influences of this stream of thought on the international eugenic movement that includes the problem of eugenics of Nazism.
著者
アーナンディ S
出版者
ジェンダー史学会
雑誌
ジェンダー史学 (ISSN:18804357)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.4, pp.5-16, 2008 (Released:2011-12-20)
参考文献数
15

近代的自己を定義するに際して、インド人男性の手による自伝は、公的な自己を特権化するのみならず、合理的で啓蒙されたものとしてマスキュリンな自己を分節化することによって公的・政治的なるものの境界を画定してきた。マスキュリンな自己とは、欲望、情愛、身体の偶発性を超越するものである。一方、女性の自己は、モダニティの文脈においては特に、私的・ドメスティックな情感的領域に属する、身体化され非-近代的他者とされてきた。他方、女たちの自伝はオルターナティブな近代的自己を想像することによって、対抗的な公的言説を提示する。同言説は、女たちの主体性を、近代的な公共領域における政治的主体として再構成することによって、マスキュリニティとモダニティを同視することに挑戦する。モダニティのジェンダー化された経験を叙述するに際して、女たちの自伝は、「自伝的マニフェスト」として知られる形式を採用してきた。マニフェストという形式は、女たちが抑圧と公共領域からの排除という自らの経験を叙述することを可能とし、新たな政治的集団性への呼びかけを行い、近代的自己への未来の可能性を想像した。本論考は、イギリス植民地期タミルナードゥ(南インド)に生まれたミドル・クラス出身のフェミニスト、S.ムットゥラクシュミ・レッディ(1886-1968)による自伝的マニフェストの分析を試みるものである。ムットゥラクシュミ・レッディは、マドラス管区では女性としては最初の医大卒業生(1912年)であり、英領インドの立法議会における初めての女性議員(1926年)となり、女性運動の活動家・指導者として活躍した。また彼女は、熱心なガンディー主義者でもあり、デーヴァダーシー制度と幼児婚に対して精力的に反対運動を推進し、女性たちに対する多岐にわたる福祉政策を実現させた。本論考は自伝的マニフェストという形式と、ラディカルな政治においてモダニティが内包する限界を批判的に論ずる。
著者
広瀬 玲子
出版者
ジェンダー史学会
雑誌
ジェンダー史学 (ISSN:18804357)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.35-48, 2006

In Japan, the expression "New Women" is often applied to those women who published the magazine <I>Seito</I>. The women, including Hiratsuka Raicho, wanted to improve the lot of Japanese women, and they criticized the "good wife, wise mother" ideal taught at girls' schools at the time, an ideal which effectively relegated all females to the status of servants. Among the women, Hiratsuka Raicho's contribution stands out. She identified the marriage system as "a woman's life-long subjection to a husband's power." She pioneered and advocated what came to be known as "partnership life," in which a woman would never have to depend on her partner, and Raicho dared to become a "single mother."<BR>It has been pointed out that Raicho's courageous behavior was influenced by the works of the early feminist Ellen Key. Key's ideas were initially introduced to Japan at the end of the Meiji era. Raicho read some early works as soon as they became available, and she started to translate <I>Love and Marriage</I> in 1913. It took some two years to complete the translation. At the same time, she physically took up "partnership life." In 1919, she further translated and published <I>The Renaissance of Motherhood</I>.<BR>Perhaps surprisingly, a Japanese man, Honma Hisao, was also active in translating and introducing Ellen Key's works during the same period. Initially appearing in the liberal period of "Taisho Democracy," Ellen Key's thoughts were welcomed not only by women but also by men. However, it is debatable whether or not Ellen Key's ideas were really understood and accepted in the same way that Raicho embraced them as a guiding compass in her life. In this paper, we will try to clearly define the characteristic differences concerning the understanding of western women's liberation as it was interpreted by both Hiratsuka Raicho and Honma Hisao.
著者
佐藤 文香
出版者
ジェンダー史学会
雑誌
ジェンダー史学 (ISSN:18804357)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.12, pp.37-50, 2016

<p>本稿は、軍隊を魅力化する資源として「平等」と「多様性」が用いられるという動向を批判的に吟味するものである。近代国民国家は「国民皆兵」を原則として誕生したが、実際にはこの「国民」は人種化・ジェンダー化・セックス化されたものだった。国民国家が市民権と兵役をセットにすることで、軍隊に参与できる者を頂点に「国民」は序列化されたのである。人種、ジェンダー、セクシュアリティを理由に軍隊から周縁化された人々はこのヒエラルキーの下位におかれ、それゆえ、軍への完全なる包摂を主張してゆくこととなった。</p><p>本稿ではアメリカをとりあげ、第一節で、軍への包摂を求めた黒人、女性、LBGT の歩みを概観する。包摂を求めて闘ってきた人々の歴史は「勝利」のように見えるが、一方で、彼らの運動は「軍事化」されたということもできる。</p><p>このような視点にたって、第二節では米軍における現状を批判的に検討する。今や各軍のウェブサイトは「多様性」と「機会均等」を言祝ぐ言説であふれかえっている。だが米軍は、貧しい若者や先住民、市民権を欲する移民たちからおおむねなりたっており、彼らのアイデンティティをアメリカ人ではない発展途上国出身の民間軍事安全保障会社の低賃金労働者たちが支えているという実態がある。</p><p>こうした米軍の事例を手がかりとして、最後に日本の現状に対するささやかな示唆を提示する。2015 年の女性活躍推進法成立を受けて、防衛省は戦闘機パイロットの配置を女性に開放することを決定した。わたしたちはこの決定を、現政権のおしすすめるジェンダー化された政治の文脈のなかで考えてみる必要がある。「平等」と「多様性」を活用しながら社会の軍事化がひそやかに進行していくというこの事態は、今まさにわたしたちの足元で進行中の出来事でもあるのだ。</p><p></p>
著者
アーナンディ S
出版者
ジェンダー史学会
雑誌
ジェンダー史学 (ISSN:18804357)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.4, pp.5-16, 2008

近代的自己を定義するに際して、インド人男性の手による自伝は、公的な自己を特権化するのみならず、合理的で啓蒙されたものとしてマスキュリンな自己を分節化することによって公的・政治的なるものの境界を画定してきた。マスキュリンな自己とは、欲望、情愛、身体の偶発性を超越するものである。一方、女性の自己は、モダニティの文脈においては特に、私的・ドメスティックな情感的領域に属する、身体化され非-近代的他者とされてきた。<BR>他方、女たちの自伝はオルターナティブな近代的自己を想像することによって、対抗的な公的言説を提示する。同言説は、女たちの主体性を、近代的な公共領域における政治的主体として再構成することによって、マスキュリニティとモダニティを同視することに挑戦する。モダニティのジェンダー化された経験を叙述するに際して、女たちの自伝は、「自伝的マニフェスト」として知られる形式を採用してきた。マニフェストという形式は、女たちが抑圧と公共領域からの排除という自らの経験を叙述することを可能とし、新たな政治的集団性への呼びかけを行い、近代的自己への未来の可能性を想像した。<BR>本論考は、イギリス植民地期タミルナードゥ(南インド)に生まれたミドル・クラス出身のフェミニスト、S.ムットゥラクシュミ・レッディ(1886-1968)による自伝的マニフェストの分析を試みるものである。ムットゥラクシュミ・レッディは、マドラス管区では女性としては最初の医大卒業生(1912年)であり、英領インドの立法議会における初めての女性議員(1926年)となり、女性運動の活動家・指導者として活躍した。また彼女は、熱心なガンディー主義者でもあり、デーヴァダーシー制度と幼児婚に対して精力的に反対運動を推進し、女性たちに対する多岐にわたる福祉政策を実現させた。<BR>本論考は自伝的マニフェストという形式と、ラディカルな政治においてモダニティが内包する限界を批判的に論ずる。
著者
板橋 晶子
出版者
ジェンダー史学会
雑誌
ジェンダー史学 (ISSN:18804357)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, pp.81-93, 2009

This paper examines the images of women used in cosmetics advertising during World War II in the United States. Under conditions of full-scale war, the question of whether women should continue to be "glamorous as usual" by using cosmetics was a controversial subject. The national concern for applying makeup reflected the changing conditions of women and the public uneasiness about the ever-expanding role of women during the war.<BR>Advertising for cosmetics frequently depicted women war workers as doing "man-sized jobs," and performing a crucial role in the war effort. Despite such rigors, however, the women in the advertising kept their femininity intact by using cosmetics. Promoting their products as morale boosters, especially for women war workers, these advertisements often suggested to women the possibilities of being more self-assertive, self-confident, and of joining the war effort more actively, even transgressing the limits set by traditional gender norms.<BR>At the same time, women wearing makeup in public spaces often implied a sexually independent character, and could be seen as a challenge to conventional norms of acceptable sexual attitudes and behavior. Although sexually attractive women were required in wartime to provide entertainment to servicemen, the appearance of women in such overtly sexual roles was sometimes seen as "promiscuous."<BR>Nevertheless, cosmetics advertising during the war carefully circumscribed the limits of the traditional notions of gender and sexuality by appealing to women to buy and use their products in order to attract men, especially service men, holding out the hope of eventually finding a marriage partner. Although cosmetics had come to stand for a new meaning during the war&mdash;highlighted as essential for women's well being and good morale&mdash;they conveyed contradictory messages to women, and never offered a consistent answer to the question of why women should have continued to be "glamorous as usual."
著者
板橋 晶子
出版者
ジェンダー史学会
雑誌
ジェンダー史学 (ISSN:18804357)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, pp.81-93, 2009

This paper examines the images of women used in cosmetics advertising during World War II in the United States. Under conditions of full-scale war, the question of whether women should continue to be "glamorous as usual" by using cosmetics was a controversial subject. The national concern for applying makeup reflected the changing conditions of women and the public uneasiness about the ever-expanding role of women during the war.<BR>Advertising for cosmetics frequently depicted women war workers as doing "man-sized jobs," and performing a crucial role in the war effort. Despite such rigors, however, the women in the advertising kept their femininity intact by using cosmetics. Promoting their products as morale boosters, especially for women war workers, these advertisements often suggested to women the possibilities of being more self-assertive, self-confident, and of joining the war effort more actively, even transgressing the limits set by traditional gender norms.<BR>At the same time, women wearing makeup in public spaces often implied a sexually independent character, and could be seen as a challenge to conventional norms of acceptable sexual attitudes and behavior. Although sexually attractive women were required in wartime to provide entertainment to servicemen, the appearance of women in such overtly sexual roles was sometimes seen as "promiscuous."<BR>Nevertheless, cosmetics advertising during the war carefully circumscribed the limits of the traditional notions of gender and sexuality by appealing to women to buy and use their products in order to attract men, especially service men, holding out the hope of eventually finding a marriage partner. Although cosmetics had come to stand for a new meaning during the war&mdash;highlighted as essential for women's well being and good morale&mdash;they conveyed contradictory messages to women, and never offered a consistent answer to the question of why women should have continued to be "glamorous as usual."
著者
野田 恵子
出版者
ジェンダー史学会
雑誌
ジェンダー史学 (ISSN:18804357)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.63-76, 2006

The purpose of this essay is to interrogate the socio-historical background against which malemale intimate relations were decriminalized in late twentieth-century England, focusing on how the perception of same-sex relations changed in response to the rise of the concept of "homo-/heterosexuality," and how this affected the change in the criminal law against male-male intimate relations, which had previously been criminalized since 1885.<BR>Since the 1980s, a number of research projects, highlighting issues concerning the criminalization and/or de-criminalization of male-male intimate relations in England, have been carried out on the history of "homosexuality." Most of the research depicts the process of decriminalizing of such relations in the context of a rise of the so-called "permissive" society based on liberal political thinking. Although this essay does not deny the importance played by the emergence of liberal attitudes towards human sexuality in general, it is argued that there must be other characteristics of this process, which cannot be wholly explained by the emergence of the "permissive" society. That is, there was a transformation of the perception of same-sex intimate relations from an immoral and degraded act to "homosexuality" as an ontological state or identity which claims that the "homosexuals" are individuals who deserve the right to exist just as the "heterosexuals".<BR>This essay examines the historical circumstances under which the concept of "homo-/heterosexuality" was made, and how it circulated and subsequently changed the way people perceive human sexuality, especially male-male intimate relations. Although the emergence of the "permissive" society was a vital factor in laying the framework in which other factors could operate, by itself it cannot explicate whole story of the decriminalization process. Along with the liberalization of the general political atmosphere of society, it is crucial to examine the historical circumstances under which the change in people's perceptions of same-sex relations occurred, as well as how this in turn changed the attitudes of people toward the "homosexual".