著者

堀川 茂野

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.139-157, 2006-11-15 (Released:2017-11-01)

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In our modern police history, it has been considered that police activities have intruded into the details of civilian life and persecuted their freedom and rights. However, at present it can be said that both the police and welfare activities are for actualizing the safety of society and the happiness of people. This paper sees the police as a provider of welfare. Firstly, the author studied the legal reasons and the actual conditions of the "protective activities" that require the welfare aspect among police activities. Secondly, the author conducted a questionnaire survey targeted at citizens regarding the "protection of demented elderly with wandering symptom," which is one of the proliferating elderly-related problems and one which especially needs the activity of the police. In order to secure the physical safety of wandering demented elderly, it is desired to find wandering aged people and protect them as soon as possible. While referring to the situation of the police's protective activities and the results of the questionnaire survey, effective measures were designed. It is first necessary to amend the fundamental laws regarding protective activities: "Article 3 of the Policeman's Duty Performance Law" and "Regulations on the Protection of the People who Need Protection of the Police" in each prefecture, so as to describe more clearly how to deal with demented elderly. At the actual site of protection, the police officers in charge are required to have knowledge of dementia and the ability to deal with demented elderly, and it is an urgent task to secure appropriate places for protecting temporarily demented elderly. Furthermore, in a regional society, it is most important to establish a network for supporting the safety of wandering demented elderly, and it can be expected that such a network will become more effective if the police takes a leading role in cooperating with the regional residents. In order to solve such issues, it is necessary to oblige the police to conduct an appropriate protection of demented elderly, and it is desirable that the police works while considering their welfare duties.

著者

新井 誠

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.115-126, 2001-05-15 (Released:2017-11-01)

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L'irresponsabilite parlementaire a, depuis 1789, presente une utilite pratique ainsi qu'une legitimite theorique et politique. Dans ce article, nous l'etudions au point de vue pratique (historique) et theoripue. Par-dessus tout, nous faisons la distinction entre la theorie de l'irresponsabilite d'un depute et la theorie de l'automomie d'une assemblee parlementaire. Table de matieres 1. Introduction 2. L'irresponsabilite parlementaire au point de vue historique, specialement historique revolutionnaire 3. L'irresponsabilite parlementaire au point de vue theorique constitutionnelle dans le III^e Republique 4. Conclusion

著者

北村 貴

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.207, 2018 (Released:2018-09-27)

著者

東 裕

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, pp.49-60, 1992-05-20 (Released:2017-11-01)

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1. Introduction 2. Les modalites de l'intervention du Parlement sur les actes pris par l'Executif au titre des pouvoirs de crise 3. La ratification des mesures de crise par le Parlement 4. Le controle de l'exercice des pouvoirs de l'article 16:le controle parlementaire 5. Conclusion

著者

小谷 順子

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.160-169, 1999-11-15 (Released:2017-11-01)

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When racial/sexual harassment became rampant in the U.S. in 1980s, many colleges and universities along with local governments adopted regulations which proscribed hate speech and other fotms of hatred. In 1992, however, the Supreme Court struck down an ordinance banning "fighting words" that insulted or provoked violence "on the basis of race, color, creed, religion or gender." In R.A.V.v.City of St. Paul, the Court stated that the ordinance impermissibly discriminated against unpopular topics. Critics of R.A.V. showed deep concern for the logic of the Court and others provided their reasoning for upholding strictly framed regulations. In this Article, I intend to present outline of the debate on hate speech regulations in the United States. In Chapter II, I overview the anti-regulation argument by presenting R.A.V. and then point out the flaw in its logic. In Chapter III, I turn to the pro-regulation argument and discuss how the proponents of the regulations solves the problem of content/viewpoint discrimination. I then present the harm caused by hate speech, and finally analyze hate speech regulations under the values of the Freedom of Speech.

著者

大林 啓吾

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, 2014

著者

渡辺 耕治

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.1, 2014 (Released:2017-11-01)

著者

菅谷 幸浩

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, 2018

著者

佐賀 香織

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.39-53, 2015

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This Paper examines the role of Juniot Chamber International(JCI) in election in Japan. JCI is regarded as a grooming ground for many Politicians in Japan. One of the most important activities in the JCI is to propose public policies. JCI the 21 Century Rincho Since 2003 in its capacity as a public policy think. JCI holds panels on elections during pre-election campaigns and reviews Party Manifestos of the ruling party. In this paper we examine whether JCI's activities are promoting problem for civic education.

著者

竹内 桂

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.121, 2018 (Released:2018-07-14)

著者

上岡 敦

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.1-18, 2016-02-25 (Released:2017-11-01)

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The purpose of this paper is to classify the legislative processes of the enactment and the amendment of the Diet acts during the period from 1947 to 1949. According to the findings done by the political science study group of the Diet, the Japanese Diet has played a certain role in their functions. However, these research findings are based on a concentrated discussion of the premises for the institutions. They have never clarified the following two questions: How was the system formed? Why was the system chosen? They simply focus of this study is to clarify the following two questions: What is the purpose of the Diet system? What is the expected function of the Diet? Firstly, I have tried to overview the enactment process of the Diet act. At this stage, the various influential actors were performing. In particular, Japanese Government was trying to draft the Diet acts of the both Houses which were not desirable for the GHQ. Secondly, I have tried to overview the enactment process of the Diet act. It was characteristic that the Diet acts in those days were enacted by the negotiations with GHQ and the House of Representatives. This process was affected by the parliamentary reform of the Imperial Diet era. Thirdly, I have tried to overview the amendment process of the Diet act during eh occupation era. The major revision was a transformation of the organizational structure of committee. However, most of the amendments of the Diet acts during the occupation period were of the practical procedures. Therefore, the fundamental basis of the Diet system has never been changed.

著者

樋口 雄人

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.2, pp.85-93, 1999-05-15 (Released:2017-11-01)

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Ce petit article a pour objet l'idee de souverainete de Pierre Paul Royer-Collard, theoricien liberal francais (1763-1845). En traitant ce sujet, j'ai essaye de demontrer l'effort d'un liberal pour l'etablissement d'une theorie liberale de la souverainete en faveur des libertes modernes crees et consacrees par la Revolution francaise. Le discours de Royer-Collard sur la souverainete est fort influence par sa preoccupation de limiter ler pouvoir du gouvernement. Il repudie la notion de souverainete signifiant le pouvoir absolu et illimite de l'Etat, inauguree pare Hobbes et developpee par Rousseau. A son avis, elle ne sert que de pretexte aux gouvernants pour empieter sur les libertes des gouvernes. Donc la souverainete du peuple et celle du roi doit etre ecartees l'une et l'autre, parce qu'elles partagent l'idee absoutste de souverainete en se disputant la possession du pouvoir souverain. A cette idee doit etre substituee ≪la souverainete de la raison≫, principle qui peut regir ou limiter l'exercice du pouvoir gouvernemental. Ce faisant, Royer-Collard veut apporter une contribution theorique a la moderation du pouvoir politique au benefice des libertes civiles.

著者

松井 丈晴

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, 2017

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Flat-rate overtime pay is a hotbed of problems as it consists of putting in long hours with little pay.The trouble arising from flat-rate overtime pay is increasing yearly.Recently, there have been a few precedents of court cases surrounding the flat-rate overtime payments to people working in excess of the monthly time limit of 45 hours.To be effective flat-rate overtime payments require the agreement of both labor and management.In connection to this, this paper has been written based on Justice Sakurai of the Supreme Court's supporting opinion in the Tec Japan case.

著者

久保田 哲

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:24321559)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.35-52, 2016-02-25 (Released:2017-11-01)

著者

瀧川 修吾

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.19-30, 2006

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As is generally known, Japan after Meiji Restoration chosed the expansionism to the nearby Asian countries. Before then, "strategies of Japan in Asia" (The prospects that Japan should launch out into adapting to the new international order with a great ambition) and "Seikan-ron" (Political argument that Japan should gain dominance over Korea in a historical cause) had already existed. However, I think that the relation between both was not one that "strategies of Japan in Asia" was actualized to "Seikan-ron". Many Japanese at the end of Tokugawa shogunate had some kinds of Chauvi-nism-view. "Antiforeign imperialism" is given as the most general form of them. They are assumed to have been cultivated by the neo-Confucianism and Japanese classical literature, and to be classified into "Japanese Sinocentrism" and "ethnic discrimination against the Korean", and so on. So, in this article, I have examined these Chauvinism-views, and clarified the differences between "strategies of Japan in Asia" and "Seikan-ron". In short, "strategies of Japan in Asia" was a minority opinion under the situation in which the majority of Japanese Chauvinism-views were targeted on the great powers in terms of antiforeign imperialism. Therefore, the opinion had to be frustrated when "controversy of isolation or opening the country to the world" became heated. And to escape from this controversy, "Seikan-ron" was formed by a political thinking.

著者

井戸田 博史

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, pp.33-43, 1989-05-20

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Ensuring personal privacy is one of the most controversial problems in Japan today. Infringement of an individual's rights to privacy have often occured in relation to the system of public access to family registers;that is, the public perusal, or obtaining of certified copies or abstracts of family registers by another person. That being the case, restrictions to access are growing more necessary. Incidentally, the principle of public access to family registers was enacted in the Family Registration of 1898-Meiji 31. This paper aims at clarifing, with the help of the documentary records, the legislative process as it relates to public access to family registers before the Family Registration Law in 1898. This bibliographical report is a preliminary step in the study preparing a thesis on the privacy problems through the family register system.

著者

根本 治子

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.2, pp.39-51, 2007

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Although the environment of care should be improved by laws, such as 'Pflegeversicherung' and 'Low of Prevention of Elder-Abuse,' murder cases relating to care, on the contrary, have been increasing all over the entire country. The examination of these murder cases shows that there would have been a bighpossibility to have prevented them if the medical staff and the welfare staff had cooperated closely with each other. The role of 'the special member,' who supports care, is very important from the point of view that his/her judgment is deeply concerned with the life of the family who cares for older family members. And the role of the family is also important at the place of medical treatment and welfare. The family itself should realize that the subject of care is a family member, and more attention should be paid on how medical treatment and welfare can support the family. On the other hand, in many trials, the public prosecutor and the lawyer argueonly about what kind of sentence should be given to the defendant, without investigating the background and the true nature of the incident: why the family caretaker has committed homicide. This paper examines the importance of cooperation at the actual care site between the persons concerned in the field of medical treatment and welfare, and the Administration of Justice, focusing on the trial of the murder case which is relating to care, where the writer has attended.

著者

記載無し 荒木 義修 太田 博

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.1, pp.101-158, 2004-11-15

著者

小泉 憲和

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.2, pp.212-219, 2005-05-15

著者

高澤 弘明

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.155-167, 2016-02-25

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When Arasuke Sone, the Chief Secretary of the House of Representatives, announced that the fire that destroyed the Imperial Diet Building on January 20, 1891 was caused by an electric circuit short. The electricity supplier, Tokyo Dento (Tokyo Electric Light Company), filed a civil action against Sone in the Tokyo District Court in order to seek a correction of his announcement. The Yamagata Cabinet regarded this suit case as an administrative one, and intended, depending on the cabinet decision, to give to the court an order that the court should reject the case on the grounds that it lay outside the court's jurisdiction. Akiyoshi Yamada, Minister of Justice, alone dissented from this motion. He submitted, however, a written opinion arguing that the position of the cabinet should be proclaimed in court in accordance with due process under the Code of Civil Procedure at the time. While Yamada's opinion was consequently adopted, this in a sense prevented executive interference in the judiciary and differed sharply from Yamada's response to the Otsu incident (a failed assassination attempt on the then Tsesarevich of Russia on Japanese soil) four months later. In this paper, I examine Yamada's view of the independence of the judiciary through the lens of the Diet Building fire shortly before the Otsu incident.