著者

下條 芳明

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.43, 2018 (Released:2018-09-27)

著者

竹内 桂

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.1, 2017 (Released:2017-05-19)

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Takeo Miki, who assumed the position of prime minister in 1974, is one of the primary statesman in postwar Japan. He won his seat at the 20th general election in 1937, and was subsequently voted into office 19 times in a row. The purpose of this thesis is to classify the activities of Miki in the period of his school days at Meiji University after which I consider the significance of his student days. From the analysis, I can point out the following significant points. Firstly, Miki developed an interest in real politics. He decided that he would run in a general election in the future. Secondly, Miki was aware of the importance of what can be obtained from travel. Because of that, he developed international sensibilities and an interest in international affairs. Thirdly, Miki met Shintaro Fukushima and Kazushige Hirasawa, who both played important roles as Miki’s mentors at a later date. Fourthly, Miki came to recognize the importance of the mass media. It was essential for Miki to have entered Meiji University in order to become a member of the House of Representatives.

著者

鈴木 隆志

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.1, pp.1-16, 2011

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the defects of the referendum through the case in which the issue of the shopping bag tax comprehended as a green fee has been rejected by the Seattle referendum. It is rather a rare case that the municipal ordinance, such as the shopping bag tax act previously approved by the Seattle City Council in 2008, and enacted in 2009, has been rejected in the referendum. The question is why the Seattle shopping bag tax act has been rejected in the referendum, despite the fact that Seattle citizens are considered liberal and environmentally oriented. There must be some defects in the referendum system itself or a sort of failure in the decision-making process for the shopping bag tax act. As for the failure of decision-making process of the city government, it can be indicated that there must have been a lack of an educational outreach touch to the citizens as well as a lack of mutual consensus between the city government and the business group. It is more important, however, to look into their referendum campaign maneuvers and also the dynamics of other elections for the local officials. I hope that this article will explain the American political climate of urban politics. I also hope the findings of this study will give readers some suggestions for the betterment of our local autonomy system in Japan.

著者

堀川 茂野

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.139-157, 2006-11-15

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In our modern police history, it has been considered that police activities have intruded into the details of civilian life and persecuted their freedom and rights. However, at present it can be said that both the police and welfare activities are for actualizing the safety of society and the happiness of people. This paper sees the police as a provider of welfare. Firstly, the author studied the legal reasons and the actual conditions of the "protective activities" that require the welfare aspect among police activities. Secondly, the author conducted a questionnaire survey targeted at citizens regarding the "protection of demented elderly with wandering symptom," which is one of the proliferating elderly-related problems and one which especially needs the activity of the police. In order to secure the physical safety of wandering demented elderly, it is desired to find wandering aged people and protect them as soon as possible. While referring to the situation of the police's protective activities and the results of the questionnaire survey, effective measures were designed. It is first necessary to amend the fundamental laws regarding protective activities: "Article 3 of the Policeman's Duty Performance Law" and "Regulations on the Protection of the People who Need Protection of the Police" in each prefecture, so as to describe more clearly how to deal with demented elderly. At the actual site of protection, the police officers in charge are required to have knowledge of dementia and the ability to deal with demented elderly, and it is an urgent task to secure appropriate places for protecting temporarily demented elderly. Furthermore, in a regional society, it is most important to establish a network for supporting the safety of wandering demented elderly, and it can be expected that such a network will become more effective if the police takes a leading role in cooperating with the regional residents. In order to solve such issues, it is necessary to oblige the police to conduct an appropriate protection of demented elderly, and it is desirable that the police works while considering their welfare duties.

著者

吉田 龍太郎

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.21, 2017 (Released:2017-05-19)

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The purpose of this research is to re-examine the views of Hitoshi Ashida, one of the prominent figures among Japanese liberalists in opposition parties during the early 1950s, on communist movements. On the issue of domestic policy, Ashida had a critical view on totalitarianism through his career as social-liberal intellectual and politician. Firstly, he declared caution concerning the Japanese Communist Party, which he described as seeking to establish a totalitarian regime in Japan. Secondly, while he tried not to be merely a hard-liner and to introduce his socialized economic policy, he tried to draw a line between communism and his social liberalism. However, he was also very pessimistic about the popularity of liberalism among Japanese people. And his position was becoming marginalized in this era of conflict between so called conservatives and progressives. On the issue of foreign policy, Ashida took a cautious view on the Soviet’s aggression in the Cold war through his active research on Russian diplomacy. Firstly, he accused the Japanese Communist Party of seeking to make Japan a satellite state of the Soviet Union. Secondly, while he tried not to be merely a hard-liner, continuing to think about the possibility of détente and retaining his love to Russian culture, he was cautious about any economic and cultural exchanges between Japan and communist states. However, he remained so pessimistic about the future of Japanese people who he viewed would tolerate communist countries. And his position was gradually opposed, even from the politicians within his own party. He also felt frustration about his social activities, which he saw didn’t attract interest in society and intellectual community, despite perceiving himself as specialist on Russian issues. Through this research, we can see how Ashida was in constant risk of becoming marginalized due to his active but hawkish position.

著者

井戸田 博史

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, pp.39-48, 1985-05-20

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The present paper is an extract from my presentation "The Name Policy in the early Meiji Era" given at the conference of the Japan Association of Legal and Political Sciences in May, 1984. Before Meiji, a person's surname indicated his lineage and his privileged status. Only the people in the privileged classes-the samurai class and above-were permitted to have their family names. In the Meiji Era, however, the surname came to be regarded as the name of "Ie(家)" after many complicated processes, and it was ordered that all Japanese should have their surnames. After the Second World War, "Ie(家)" was abolished, and as the result, today's surname has come to be considered to be the name of the individual. Actually, however, the surname is not necessarily understood as the name of the individual in our feelings and customs, and consequently, it brings forward many problems. Therefore, the problems involved in the surname are old but new. Our surnames today are based on the name policy adopted in the early Meiji Era. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the nature of the name policy adopted in that period, because it will be an important clue to approach the complicated problems involved in the present-day surname. This paper contains the following items: 1. Introduction 2. The way to "the Ordinance to compel the Commoner to have their Surnames" (1) The denial of the "privileged surname" given by the former Tokugawa shogunate (2) "The Ordinance to Permit the Commoner to have thier Surnames" 3. The Ordinance to Compel the Commoner to have their Surnames 4. Prospects

著者

宮畑 加奈子

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.2, pp.173, 2016 (Released:2017-11-01)

著者

瀬川 博義

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.187-196, 1999-11

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In the aftermath of the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-78, San Stefano Treaty was signed in March 1878 and granted in dependence to Serbia, Montenegro, and Rumania, and autonomy to a large Bulgarian state. No such provision was either sought or executed for the Armenians. Sultan Abdul Hamid II (1876-1909) believed Muslim superiority in the Ottoman Empire. He determined to annihilate the Armenian nation perfectly, and to sweep away that hated Christianity which provoked Europe to interfere. He feared nineteenth-century Armenian Renaissance, and to abort it he preferred to use force, including massacre. Lepsius mentions that the Armenian massacres were caused by the threats for reforms made by the Great Powers. On the night of 23/24 April 1915, numbers of Armenian political, religious, educational, and intellectual leaders in Constantinople were arrested, deported into Anatolia, and put to death. Minister of Internal Affairs Talaat Pasha ordered Armenian deportation from the war zones to relocation centers-actually the deserts of Syria and Mesopotamia. Armenian soldiers of the Ottoman armies were taken out in groups and murdered. The adult and teenage males were swiftly separated from the deportation caravans and killed immediately under the direction of Young Turk officials and agents, the gendarmerie. Women and children who were drive for weeks over mountains and deserts, often dehumanized by being stripped naked and repeatedly preyed upon and abused. About 1,500,000 of the Armenians have been slaughtered by Sultan Abdul Hamid II, The Young Turks and Nationalists in 1894-1923. The survivors of the Ottoman-Armenian were condemned to a life of exile and dispersion and could not help being resigned to inevitable acculturation and assimilation all over the world. The writer's aim in this paper is to raise the following three questions: What happened? Why did it happen? And what might be leaned from the Armenian case?

著者

佐賀 香織

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.39-53, 2015-08-15 (Released:2017-11-01)

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This Paper examines the role of Juniot Chamber International(JCI) in election in Japan. JCI is regarded as a grooming ground for many Politicians in Japan. One of the most important activities in the JCI is to propose public policies. JCI the 21 Century Rincho Since 2003 in its capacity as a public policy think. JCI holds panels on elections during pre-election campaigns and reviews Party Manifestos of the ruling party. In this paper we examine whether JCI's activities are promoting problem for civic education.

著者

小南 浩一

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.106-123, 2006-11-15 (Released:2017-11-01)

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This paper aims to discuss the common idea advocated by the two Japanese activists, Toyohiko Kagawa, a leader of the labor movement in the Kansai area and Sakae Osugi, a representative of the Japanese anarchists and the most radical leader. Although both activists seem to be in opposition to each other in the 1920s, their ideas were rooted in the same thought that the labor movement should aim to improve not only working conditions but also restoring humanity. They insisted that an employee should live humanly. This idea still has a significance in the modern society. It seems to come from their common backgrounds. Firstly, both were influenced by Proudhon, a French anarchist. Kagawa in particular was deeply inspired by Proudhon's insistence that the reform of the 'Exchange System' in capitalism should be the key to a solution of the social problems. Secondly, both had a common view of life, i.e. every value comes from life. The struggle against suppression of an individual life was their spirit of the labor movement. Today we still face the problems of humanity and alienation in a workplace, which they pointed out about 80 years ago. It is urgent to solve these issues for Japan now.

著者

白鳥 亜寧

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.1, 2019 (Released:2019-10-10)

著者

伊藤 真希

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.2, pp.1, 2012 (Released:2017-11-01)

著者

村岡 敬明

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.41, 2023 (Released:2023-12-15)

著者

上村 都

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.147-159, 1999

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<p>1 Fragestellung Die Frage, ob die Kollektivbeleidigung im allgemeinen und die sog. hate speech im besonderen zu verbieten ist, hat nicht nur auf volkerrechtlicher Ebene, sondern auch in der Staatsrechtswissenschaft Japans und anderer Staaten eine aktuelle Bedeutung. In diesem Beitrag ist darzulegen, dass die Bestrafung der Beleidigung von Kollektiven nur um des Schutzes der personlichen Ehre einzelner Gruppenangehoriger willen zu1assig ist und dass eine daruber hinausgehende Beschrankung der Meinungsfreiheit vetmieden werden soll. 2 Schutzbereich der Meinungsfreiheit Zuerst ist die Frage zu klaren, ob eine scharfe Kritik oder sogar eine beleidigende Ausserung unter den Schutzbereich der Meinungsfreiheit fallt. Nach der standigen Rechtsprechung des BVerfG besteht der Grundrechtsschutz unabhangig davon, ob die Ausserung rational oder emotional, begrundet oder grundlos ist und ob sie von anderen fur nutzlich oder schadlich, wertvoll oder wertlos gehalten wird. Im Auschwitzluge-Beschluss vom 13. 4. 1994 (BVerfGE 90, 241) hat das BVerfG die Verfassungsmassigkeit der behordlichen Auflage zwar zuerst wie folgt begrundet: Die in Frage stehende Ausserung soll aus dem Schutzbereich des Grundrechts nach Art. 5 Abs. 1 ausgeschlossen werden, well sie eine erwiesen falsche Tatsachenbehauptung darstellt. Das Gericht hat aberdaneben den zweiten Weg gezeigt, der davon ausgeht, dass auch die Auschwitzluge unter den grundrechtlichen Schutzbereich fallen kann, soweit sie als Meinungsausserung zur Erpressbarkeit deutscher Politik verstanden werden kann. Dogmatisch glatter und verallgemeinerungsfahiger ist der zweite Weg. Der erstere, der Ausschluss bestimmter Aussagen vom Schutzbereich der Meinungsfreiheit, kann zwar fur die Auschwitzluge zutreffen. Es fallt aber schwer, einen zweiten Anwendungsfall auch nur theoretisch zu finden. 3 Personliche Betroffenheit als Ausgangspunkt Die zweite Frage lautet: Was ist eigentlich das Rechtsgut, das durch das Verbot der Kollektivbeleidigung geschutzt werden soll? Die Ehre des Kollektivs als solches oder die des einzelnen Mitglieds? Nach dem "Soldaten sind Morder"-Beschluss vom 10. 10. 1995(BVerfGE 93, 266) soll es die "personliche" Ehre der einzelnen Gruppenangehorigen sein. Die personliche Betroffenheit ist nach dem BVerfG dann anzunehmen, wenn es sich um eine abgrenzbare und iiberschaubare Gruppe handelt und die herabsetzende Ausserung an ein Merkmal anknupft, das bei allen Angehorigen des Kollektivs vorliegt, und wenn die angenommene Gruppe nicht uniiberschaubar gross ist(wie: alle Katholiken oder alle Protestanten, alle Gewerkschaftsmitglieder, alle Frauen). 4 Giiterabwlgung Drittens ist die Frage zu klaren, wie die beiden kollidierenden Grundrechtsguter abgewogen werden sollen. Das BVerfG entwickelte schon im Luth-Urteil vom 15. 1. 1958(BVerfGE 7, 198) die sog. "Wechselwirkungslehre". Sie verlangt, dass die Grundrechtsschranke in ihrer das Grundrecht beschrankenden Wirkung ihrerseits im Lichte der Bedeutung dieses Grundrechts gesehen und so interpretiert werden muss, dass der besondere Wertgehalt des eingeschrankten Rechts auf jeden Fall gewahrl bleibt. Als deren Konkretisierung gelten nach der Rechtsprechung die "Vermutungsformel" und die "Vorrangformel". Die erstere lautet: wenn es sich bei der umstrittenen Ausserung um einem Beitrag zuv offentlichen Meinungsbildung oder zu einer die Offentlichkeit wesentlich beruhrenden Frage handelt,so spricht eine Vermutung zugunsten der Freiheit der Rede. Die letztere gilt dagegen fur die herabsetzenden Ausserungen, die entweder die Menschenwurde eines anderen antasten oder sich als Formalbeleidigung oder Schmahung darstellen. In diesem Fall soll die Meinungsfreiheit regelmassig hinter den Ehrenschutz zurucktreten. Im Falle der Kollektivbezeichnung gilt noch eine weitere Vermutung: wenn eine Personengruppe durch eine bestimmte soziale Funktion geeint ist, lasst</p><p>(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)</p>

著者

砂脇 恵

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.287, 2018 (Released:2018-09-27)

著者

富樫 ひとみ

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.47, 2017 (Released:2017-11-01)

著者

小泉 憲和

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.2, pp.212-219, 2005-05-15 (Released:2017-11-01)

著者

小林 良彰

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

日本法政学会法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, pp.1-10, 1992-05-20

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The issue on the political reforms has become more and more as a critical issue. The report which was issued by the 8th Electoral System Research Council on April 1990 was agreed by the LDP but in failed to pass the Diet. In this current situation, it is natural that the title "The Problems Related to the Political Reforms" was discussed at the symposium of the Japan Association of Legal and Political Science, 1991. We all admit the significance of the report issued by the Council which consists solely by non-politicians, however;we are also aware that the Council is also an advisory body of the Premier and the report is far from satisfactory. As our objectives being proposals of the new ideas which supplement current reform plans, this year's reports given at the symposium was very meaningful to the all members. The three reports, "The Correcting of the Representative Values" by Prof. Aminaka; "The Political Reforms and Electoral System" by Prof. Iwagami; and "The History of British Effors in Purifying the Political Funds" by Prof. Tomisaki all introduced the systems taken in the other countries to point out the weak points of the current plans. When we discuss the political reforms, it can be discussed on three main areas; the representative value, the electoral systems and the political funds. Although these three areas include wide range of technical problems, the things we must be aware of are the importance of the idea which the reforms are based on the importance of the Japanese culture when systems are considered. In otherwords, the reforms must be done under a posture which askes for whom and why the reforms have to be done otherwise the reforms could end up only as very superficial ones that are filled with politician's compromises. The three reports given at the symposium all cited other countries systems but it is naive for us to think they will work for Japan also. It is very dangerous to discuss the system without considering cultural differences. There is a need for us to introduce a system that best suits Japan. The issue on the political reforms is very difficult indeed. It doesn't only includes highly technical problmes but also many others. The current reform plans are far from satisfactory because they emphasize too much of the technical problems. We need to think more about our ideals and cultures. The technique is the way to achieve our goal and not the goal itself. If the current reform plans are to become really for our citizens, they need to be improved. As member of our Association, we all need further study on this issue as well as keeping a close eye on the plans.

著者

板橋 亮平

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.73-87, 2010-11-15

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Rawls is currently a very popular research topic. Although this is a desirable situation, studies on Rawls are full of inaccurate discourses. In Japan, too, studies especially on reflective equilibrium-are full of errors. In this paper I will demonstrate this, especially in the case of Japanese research.

著者

和田 幸司

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.88-115, 2010-11-15

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The primary concern of this paper is to clarify the approach of the Syoukouji Temple to the authority of the Tenno and his court. This paper is based on a study on the "Kizokuka" of the Hongwanji Temple that was suggested by TSUJI Zennosuke and WAKITA Haruko. I use two research methods. Firstly, I examin the incident in which the Nishi Hongwanji Temple seized the land of the Syoukouji Temple. Secondly, I consider the economic foundation of the Syoukouji Temple from the perspective of spreading the sect's teachings. This article is for people who are interested in Shin Buddhism and early modern Japanese history The main findings of this paper are as follows. 1. The Syoukouji Temple built up a relationship with Tenno and his court by maintaining a religious relationship with Kujoke and Chitokuin. 2. The sect's believers in Satsuma and Ryukyu supported the "Kizokuka" of the Syoukouji Temple. 3. Belief was orientated towards the Tenno and his court in early modern times.