著者

千年 篤

出版者

THE JAPANESE ASSOCIATION FOR RUSSIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN STUDIES

雑誌

ロシア・東欧学会年報 (ISSN:21854645)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2000, no.29, pp.95-104, 2000

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It is widely noted that former socialist countries in Eastern Europe have suffered from the deterioration in social well-being during the period of transition to a market economy. How seriously has the living standard of people actually been threatened? To what extent has income inequality widened? In addition, how have people coped with economic hardships during the transition? This paper attempts to address these questions using quantitative measures where possible, with the Republic of Macedonia as a case of study. The focus is placed on the countermeasures taken by the people against economic hardships within the framework of social safety net.<BR>It is found that income inequality has widened across regions, accompanied by a concentration of economic activities in Skopje, the capital of the Republic. Also, economic inequality in the society has widened across generations; the young generation has been affected most seriously. In these contexts, people try to alleviate the deteriorating living standard by gaining income from multiple sources (including transfers from various social welfare programs, a withdrawal of savings and sales of properties) and by reducing daily expenditures such as for food, and clothes and shoes.<BR>In Macedonia, a formal safety net such as social welfare programs has undoubtedly helped sustain the level of living standard to a certain extent during the transition. However, at the same time the family system that is regarded as an informal safety net has played an important role in alleviating the declining living standard as well as in the widening of economic inequality both across regions and across generations during the transition.<BR>The family system with strong kinship ties is the distinct characteristic observed in Balkan societies. Thus, the analytical framework based on social safety net introduced in this paper is expected to provide a useful approach in analyzing social welfare problems in other Balkan countries during the period of transition to a market economy.

著者

藤井 陽一

出版者

The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2010, no.39, pp.57-69, 2010 (Released:2012-06-20)

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In the Soviet Union during its last several years Soviet ethics underwent radical changes in its category as far as it lost the traditional Marxist-Leninist values. The roots of this “conceptual revolution” in ethics must be in the 1950s–1960s. According to Russian ethicians’ periodisations of the history of Russian/Soviet ethics, Soviet ethics accomplished dramatic development once the time turns the 1960s. After the October Revolution in 1917 Lenin noticed the importance of morality. Anatolii Lunacharskii gave advice to readers to get hint on establishment of moral system from Kant. Considering “Lunacharskii renaissance” after Stalin’s death this remark must be important for the history of Soviet ethics. The famous and influential Soviet pedagogist Anton Makarenko pointed out the necessity of systematic study of Communist ethics instead of old-fashioned ethics based on religion. The idea, which gave significant impact on Makarenko, was Maxim Gorky’s philosophy expressed in his play “The Lower Depth” “maxim respect to Man”. This idea was emphasised in Soviet ethicians Alexandr Shishkin’s text books on Communist morality published in 1955, as a combination with Immanuel Kant’s maxim “never treat the person merely as means but always at the same time as an end”. The 1950s started with Stalin’s article on linguistics in which he announced new these on basis and superstructure which included morality. First academic work on Marxist ethics and duty was published an year after Stalin’s death. In 1955 the first text-book on Communist moral was published by the pedagogist, A. Shishkin, who had studied Kant’s and Rousseau’s pedagogic works. In this text he introduced Russian revolutionary democrat Chernyshevsky’s ideal image of personality in his novel “What Is To Be Done”. In the same year another Soviet ethician, Vasilii Sokolov, introduced Spinoza’s ethical theory. Sokolov supported Spinoza’s metaphysical idea of “Human Nature” and let it relate to freedom and democracy. In 1957 Viktor Klochkov in his article on similarities and differences between ethics view of Feuerbach and Chernyshevsky, appealed that guarantee of freedom is essential for personality’s develop­ment. He gave the latter high marks for having proposed a person who can defend self human dignity. Both of freedom of human personality and defence of human dignity would become an important factors in the mental current in the 1960s. In 1958–59 Soviet education system underwent full reforms faced to the general atmosphere to avoid engaging in manual labour. And in the 21st Party Congress Party Guideline to strengthen the connection between school and daily lives was presented. Following the Khrushchev’s report, in Leningrad the congress on the ethical problems was held to make decisions of drafts lectures in Universities. In response to the results of this conference, it was decided to open courses of ethics in Moscow and Leningrad Universities. Concurrently, in this year in the journal “Problems of Philosophy” ethics and atheism got an independent section from historical materialism. Thus, in the end of the 1950s Soviet ethicians and the Party leadership started to engage in the spade-work of Soviet ethics together.

著者

ガルワーネ リンダ

出版者

The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2010, no.39, pp.70-81, 2010 (Released:2012-06-20)

被引用文献数

1

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After the collapse of the Soviet Union new enthusiasm for Japan, often dubbed “New Japonism,” emerged in Russia. Along with Murakami Haruki, manga and anime, etc., geisha, one of the main representations of Japan abroad since the end of the 19th century, evoked a fresh interest. The new edition of the Russian translation of Loti’s Madame Chrysanthème, the translation of Nakamura Kiharu’s biographical work, the popularity of Arthur Golden’s novel as well as the success of the movie, Sayuri, based on the novel, are just few examples of this revived interest in geisha. Moreover, some contemporary Russian writers themselves created works, incorporating Japanese themes in their works, including the representation of geisha. Olga Lazoreva’s trilogy, Russian Geisha, is a story about a Russian girl who undertakes the training as a geisha after her lover dies in connection with the Aum Shinrikyo sect and the Tokyo sarin subway incident. It also is a work, created under New Japonism in Russia and, as reflected in the title, represents geisha in her own way. Lazoreva was invited to write a novel about geisha by a publishing house in the light of popularity of Golden’s novel, The Memoirs of Geisha, and its film version in Russia. Thus at the first glance it would seem that Lazoreva merely reproduced the theme of geisha, found in other works. Besides, even though Lazoreva in her work constantly stresses the fact that geisha is not a prostitute, the explicit descriptions of sexuality in the work, would create a contrary impression that this trilogy is just another representation of exotic Japanese sexuality as exotic one. The fact that geisha, represented in Lazoreva’s work, is of mixed origins plays an important role. By creating an untypical geisha character, closely connected to Russia, Lazoreva’s work not merely represents the exotic Other, but, through the protagonist-geisha, being both Japanese and Russian, also discloses a concealed self-representation of the Russians. This paper is thus an attempt to explore the representation of geisha, its peculiarities and significance in contemporary Russian literature by focusing on the trilogy Russian Geisha, which would shed a new light on the construction of the modern Russian subjectivity itself. The work will analyze the representation of geisha focusing on the following three points: firstly, the analysis of the way Lazoreva operates with the stereotype of geisha, often perceived as a prostitute; secondly, the comparison of the representation of geisha in Lazoreva’s work to the representation of Russian women in general in the context of some other contemporary Russian literary works, such as Chapaev and Void by Viktor Pelevin and The Intergirl by Vladimir Kunin, the works that describe Russian women in their peculiar ways. Lastly, on the basis of these analyses, this paper will try to clarify the relevance of Russian Geisha to the socio-economic situation of the post-Perestroika and post-Soviet Russia and to its gender politics.

著者

堀内 賢志

出版者

The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2010, no.39, pp.102-105, 2010 (Released:2012-06-20)

被引用文献数

1

著者

三谷 恵子

出版者

The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2010, no.39, pp.106-108, 2010 (Released:2012-06-20)

著者

吉井 昌彦

出版者

The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2010, no.39, pp.109-111, 2010 (Released:2012-06-20)

著者

志摩 園子

出版者

The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2009, no.38, pp.30-46, 2009 (Released:2011-10-14)

参考文献数

20

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The purpose of this paper is to examine why Latvia was affected deeply by the financial crisis among EU and other countries. In order to shed light on the situation before and after the financial crisis in 2008, we should at first point out the background factors. The wide-scale demonstration against the economic policy of the last Government in January, 2009 is still fresh in our minds. As a result of the demonstration, Prime Minister Ivars Godmanis was forced to resign and in last March, a young politician, Valdis Dombrovskis from Jaunas Laiks came on stage as the Prime Minister. As the cause of steep economic rise, Minister of Finance Einars Repše explained the 18% sharp decrease of GDP in 2009 resulting from the end of the bubble economy in Latvia. According to the survey by the European Commission, conducted in autumn, 2009, 97% responded that it was very bad or rather bad on the economic situation. The survey also shows that 88% of respondents distrust the Government. The author analyzes the background factors from the following three. First, there are still all kinds of legacy from past Soviet times. It is true that wide-scale social transformations had occurred since 1991, but we have to take into consideration Latvia’s historical background with Soviet times. Second, she had to make efforts to speed up to convert to a market economy and to develop it. It was because Latvia wanted to keep up with the current tendencies in Eastern Europe so as to enter EU membership. She was afraid of being left behind from the neighboring countries, like other Baltic countries or the Central European countries. Third, the Government gave priority to her external policy over her domestic policy after Latvia’s re-independence from Soviet Union in 1991. As a result, she could not sufficiently respond to a variety of demands and expectations of the people. She had to fulfill criteria for entering EU at first and at the same time the Government did not have the leeway to focus on internal issues. In particular, we must never forget the influence on the domestic issues at the time of becoming a member of EU and NATO are involved. To be sure, Latvia tended to depart from the economic tie away from her dependence on Russia, although they still have to rely heavily on Russia for energy. On the other hand, she accepted foreign investments from Scandinavian and other countries in a positive manner. After Latvia became a member of EU in 2004, foreign investment increased rapidly more than ever, although Latvia needed to develop the ability to achieve sustained economic growth on her own. Parex Bank’s rapid growth during the 1990s’ and the nationalization of Parex Bank in November 2008 after its bankruptcy shows us heavy Russian influence on Latvian economy. We have to continue paying attention to the invisible economic tie of Latvia with its influential neighboring country, Russia.

著者

村田 真一

出版者

The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2009, no.38, pp.47-59, 2009 (Released:2011-10-14)

参考文献数

11

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Russian society has been drastically changing for the past ten years, especially because of the terrible financial crisis that has struck the worlds’ economy in 2009. Due to this process of change, it is very difficult to provide a graphic illustration of today’s Russian literature and proffer a treatise on its future. It is nonetheless important and necessary to give a detailed analysis of the current state of Russian literature in order to investigate the direction in which the profound changes occurring in Russia and in Russian art are headed. This paper is aimed at analyzing the novels of the most important Russian writers from the 1990s to the present day and examining how they are perceived by the public of readers in Russia. Many of these novels have yet to be translated into Japanese and are not widely known. In the post-Communist era, a select number of Russian writers began to publish a myriad of works under the banner of “here and now”. These works were written using many expressions taken from everyday slang without any direct reference to classical literature. Rather, the writers aimed at representing what they saw “in front of their eyes” and depicted themselves in the micro-cosmos of their own literature. Readers can access all of these works on the Internet. Literature has greatly changed from what we knew it to be a decade ago. Even the Internet has become a great library that anyone can approarch. For example, until the 1990s, writers would argue what the revolution meant for Russia, and politics were often discussed in their works. Nowadays, issues like these are not considered as important in contemporary literature. It is possible to consider “post-realism” as the most appropriate definition of Russian literature from the 1990s hitherto. This concept has been proposed by N. Lejderman and M. Lipovitsky, who worked to combine realism and post-modernism. In terms of analyzing the style of contemporary Russian writers, we can regard V. Erofeev and O. Slavnikova as the representatives of the 1990s and the 2000s. The text of “Overshoes” and “Encyclopedia of Russian Soul” by V. Erofeev, “2017” and “Love in the seventh Coach” by O. Slavnikova show that the same writers can compose in different styles. “Magic-realism”, observed in their novels, is also a characteristic of Russian literature which derives from the 1990s. In addition to popular B. Akunin, L. Petrushevskaya, L. Ulitskaya and aforementioned authors, the most important Russian writers today must be D. Rubina, A. Gelasimov, V. P’etsukh, Z. Prilepin, and also M. Shishkin, E. Limonov as the writers of “diaspora”. Traditionally, Russian literature has always tried to blaspheme authority, drawing largely on poetry and metaphors to slander establishment. Does today’s Russian literature dare to do this? Does censorship still exist in Russia? These are the questions for us to answer.

著者

小山 洋司

出版者

The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2009, no.38, pp.60-71, 2009 (Released:2011-10-14)

参考文献数

26

被引用文献数

1

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With the disintegration of former Yugoslavia, Macedonia became an independent state. Similar to other Republics of the former Yugoslavia, Macedonia had to carry out double transitions, i.e. transition to a market economy and transition from a regional economy to a national economy. For a newly independent small country to survive the environment of market economy, it is required to settle domestic conflicts, establish good relationship with neighboring countries and secure economic independence. Western Balkan countries, which have experienced ethnic conflicts and still have domestic ethnic problems, would not be assured of their survival as long as they remain outside the European Union. This paper examines how Macedonia has been tackling the above mentioned problems, proceeding toward EU accession in the context of the EU’s Stabilization and Association Process. This paper stresses the following points: First, domestic conflicts between the Macedonian population and the Albanian population was settled for the time being by the Ohrid Framework Agreement in 2001, but the situation is still precarious. Their peaceful co-existence should be consolidated with support from the international community, especially the EU. Second, at the turn of the 21st century the relationship with its neighboring countries, except Greece, has been significantly improved. As Greece is the nearest member country of the EU, it is urgently necessary for Macedonia to improve its relationship with this country. Regardless of the diplomatic conflict over the name of the country with Greece, the economic relation between both countries is becoming closer. However, as long as Greece opposes, Macedonia will not be able to enter into its accession negotiations with EU. It seems that a compromise between both countries in this regard is not impossible. Third, CEFTA 2006, a multilateral free trade agreement, is very important for Macedonia. Western Balkan countries are required to endeavor to make this agreement effectively function in order to increase intra-regional trade, attract more FDI and prepare for their EU accession. Fourth, Macedonia is facing a problem of structural fragility of its economy. Its external debt and domestic public debt are not at so critical levels. However, the unemployment is very high and its informal sector has reached an abnormally big scale. It is urgently necessary for the country to increase jobs. Also the problem of chronic trade deficit should be overcome.

著者

山添 博史

出版者

The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2009, no.38, pp.104-106, 2009 (Released:2011-10-14)

被引用文献数

2 4

著者

堀林 巧

出版者

The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2010, no.39, pp.1-12, 2010 (Released:2012-06-20)

参考文献数

24

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This paper examines the systemic change from communism to capitalism and the transformation of the welfare system in the Visegrad countries, the Baltic states and Slovenia. The CEE countries aimed to create capitalism through liberalization, macro-stabilization and privatization of the state-owned firms after the breakdown of communism. The first attempts at privatizing the large state-owned firms in Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic resulted in different types of state and private “hybrid ownership” structures in which some state paternalism remained. The state paternalism remained in Slovakia, too. The Baltic states adopted the most radical liberalization and macro-stabilization policy in the region to create a form of capitalism, which was furthest removed from the past-communism symbolized by the former Soviet Union since they considered independence from Russia as the most important challenge of the systemic change. While Slovenia created a German type of corporatist industrial relation in the first half of the 1990s on the basis of the past legacy, i.e., self-management socialism, it implemented privatization gradually. Due to both internal and external reasons such as the CEE countries’ low level of domestic capital accumulation and their accession into the EU, the inflow of FDI from old EU member states into the CEE increased at a faster pace since the late 1990s. As a result, “dependent capitalism” emerged in the eight CEE countries. The Visegrad countries enjoyed a higher pace of economic growth through multinational-led export increases by the late 2000s. In the Baltic states, a “housing and consumption boom” originated from the excess-loans from foreign bank affiliates to households. However, the CEE economies (except Poland) were severely damaged by the spread of the financial crisis and recessions in the core EU member states after the late 2008. From this event, one should keep in mind the negative aspects of the excess-dependence on foreign capital in the CEE economies. The communist welfare system consisted of full employment, universal social insurance, a firm-based system of service, fringe benefits and subsidized prices for basic necessities such as food and housing. The “transition recession” in the beginning of the 1990s led to massive unemployment and the end of full employment in the CEE. By introducing unemployment benefits and social assistance system in order to cope with the increase of the poor and unemployed in the beginning of the 1990s, the welfare system of the CEE moved closer to those of Continental European type. From the mid-1990s, the social policies of many CEE countries shifted to what the World Bank had recommended. For example, many countries in the CEE implemented pension reform, including partial privatization, although Slovenia and the Czech Republic did not. The fact that poverty rate in Slovenia and the Czech Republic is much lower than those in Poland and Baltic states reflects different social policy stances. It also reveals historical path-dependency since Slovenia and the Czech Republic created the most developed capitalism in the CEE as measured by per capita GDP on the basis of historical legacy. Before the breakdown of communism, both Slovenia and the Czech Republic belonged to the advanced region in the Eastern Europe.

著者

大中 真

出版者

The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2008, no.37, pp.123-126, 2008 (Released:2010-05-31)

著者

吉井 昌彦

出版者

The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2009, no.38, pp.2-3, 2009 (Released:2011-10-14)

著者

上垣 彰

出版者

The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2009, no.38, pp.4-16, 2009 (Released:2011-10-14)

参考文献数

35

被引用文献数

1 1

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There are three conundrums as for the relation between the Russian economy and the Sub-Prime financial crisis. Firstly, it is not clear why Russia’s GDP has been damaged so severely after the crisis comparing with other leading countries including China. Secondly, we have not yet found out a main process through which the American crisis reached Russia. Because Russian financial institutions did not have Sub-Prime-related securities so much, it does not stand to reason that they suffered the same kind of turbulence as British or German banks had. Thirdly, why such a basically financial affair as the Sub-Prime crisis has had a serious effect on economic real sectors of Russia is not easy to understand. In the case of the financial crisis in 1998 the real sectors of Russia did not have close connections with its financial sectors and therefore they did not receive serious damages from the financial sectors. Have the connections between the real sectors and financial sectors in Russia strengthened considerably in the last ten years? Among these three conundrums this article tries to answer to the last two and give a hint to the first one. As for the second conundrum the author insists that foreign financial institutions, which had held much Sub-Prime-related assets, withdrew their capital from Russia to compensate their losses in the crisis, which in turn brought Russian financial institutions into a difficult situation. As for the third one it is emphasized that the real and financial sectors in Russia have not yet achieved modern close relationship and that we must find another factor that led to economic difficulties of the real sectors of Russia. For example, the so-called financial deepening cannot be considered to have proceeded sufficiently in Russia if compared to Japan, England, Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland. As for the first one the author suggests that decrease of “terms of trade effect” after the crisis, which occurred because of oil price decline, might have been one of the important factors for GDP setback. By explaining about these three conundrums the author clarifies a special economic structure of Russia: vulnerability to foreign shocks.

著者

兵頭 慎治

出版者

The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2009, no.38, pp.17-29, 2009 (Released:2011-10-14)

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This article examines how the global financial and economic crisis and the accompanying change in international oil prices have affected Russia’s internal and external affairs, especially the tandem system of governance and its foreign policy towards East Asia. Because this crisis was not foreseen when the tandem administration was introduced, at present, political stability is suffering from poor crisis management. While it cannot be said that the tandem system has been fundamentally damaged, judging from the fact that Prime Minister Putin is increasingly adopting a hands-on approach, the probability that he will be back as President in the coming presidential election is growing. Though not proved, Russia’s assertive foreign policy largely depended on the high international oil prices before the Georgian conflict. Whether Russia likes it or not, after the global financial and economic crisis, Russia has to tap East Asia to recover its economic growth by exporting more energy products to the emerging new markets there. However, we should not overestimate this trend as East Asia is not Russia’s top-most foreign policy priority, and Russia does not accord that much strategic importance to East Asia. Because Russia’s national goal for 2020, as stated in “National Security Strategy through to 2020 of Russian Federation,” is continued economic growth so as to become the fifth-largest economy in the world, it is much more important—after this crisis—to pay attention to the correlation between economic and political factors using the interdisciplinary method.

著者

兵頭 慎治

出版者

The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2007, no.36, pp.194-196, 2007 (Released:2010-05-31)

著者

兵頭 慎治

出版者

The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2005, no.34, pp.174-176, 2005 (Released:2010-05-31)

著者

稲垣 文昭

出版者

The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2004, no.33, pp.138-140, 2004 (Released:2010-05-31)

被引用文献数

6 7

著者

加藤 久子

出版者

The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2003, no.32, pp.175-177, 2003 (Released:2010-05-31)

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

William J. Kelly Masumi Hakogi

出版者

THE JAPANESE ASSOCIATION FOR RUSSIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN STUDIES

雑誌

ソ連・東欧学会年報 (ISSN:03867226)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1991, no.20, pp.46-51, 1991 (Released:2010-05-31)

参考文献数

4