著者
村田 真一
出版者
The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies
雑誌
ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)
巻号頁・発行日
no.38, pp.47-59, 2009

Russian society has been drastically changing for the past ten years, especially because of the terrible financial crisis that has struck the worlds' economy in 2009. Due to this process of change, it is very difficult to provide a graphic illustration of today's Russian literature and proffer a treatise on its future. It is nonetheless important and necessary to give a detailed analysis of the current state of Russian literature in order to investigate the direction in which the profound changes occurring in Russia and in Russian art are headed.<br> This paper is aimed at analyzing the novels of the most important Russian writers from the 1990s to the present day and examining how they are perceived by the public of readers in Russia. Many of these novels have yet to be translated into Japanese and are not widely known.<br> In the post-Communist era, a select number of Russian writers began to publish a myriad of works under the banner of "here and now". These works were written using many expressions taken from everyday slang without any direct reference to classical literature. Rather, the writers aimed at representing what they saw "in front of their eyes" and depicted themselves in the micro-cosmos of their own literature.<br> Readers can access all of these works on the Internet. Literature has greatly changed from what we knew it to be a decade ago. Even the Internet has become a great library that anyone can approarch. For example, until the 1990s, writers would argue what the revolution meant for Russia, and politics were often discussed in their works. Nowadays, issues like these are not considered as important in contemporary literature.<br> It is possible to consider "post-realism" as the most appropriate definition of Russian literature from the 1990s hitherto. This concept has been proposed by N. Lejderman and M. Lipovitsky, who worked to combine realism and post-modernism.<br> In terms of analyzing the style of contemporary Russian writers, we can regard V. Erofeev and O. Slavnikova as the representatives of the 1990s and the 2000s. The text of "Overshoes" and "Encyclopedia of Russian Soul" by V. Erofeev, "2017" and "Love in the seventh Coach" by O. Slavnikova show that the same writers can compose in different styles. "Magic-realism", observed in their novels, is also a characteristic of Russian literature which derives from the 1990s.<br> In addition to popular B. Akunin, L. Petrushevskaya, L. Ulitskaya and aforementioned authors, the most important Russian writers today must be D. Rubina, A. Gelasimov, V. P'etsukh, Z. Prilepin, and also M. Shishkin, E. Limonov as the writers of "diaspora".<br> Traditionally, Russian literature has always tried to blaspheme authority, drawing largely on poetry and metaphors to slander establishment. Does today's Russian literature dare to do this? Does censorship still exist in Russia? These are the questions for us to answer.<br>
著者
久保 慶一
出版者
The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies
雑誌
ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)
巻号頁・発行日
no.33, pp.69-79, 2004

In Montenegro, there has been a deep divide between those who seek the independence of Montenegro and those who oppose it and seek the maintenance of the Yugoslav federation or the union with Serbia. It is well known that there is a correlation between the ethnic identity and the attitude towards this issue, particularly among ethnic minorities such as Albanians, Muslims (Bosnjaks) and Serbs. While one tends to assume that the ethnic identity is an independent variable that affects the behaviour towards the issue of statehood, I would argue that this assumption does not hold for Serbs. To do so, I firstly examine the correlation between the ethnic identity and the behaviour towards the issue of statehood. Secondly, by examining the census data of 1991 and 2003 in Montenegro, I point out that there seems to have been a significant scale of re-definition of the ethnic identity. In particular, a significant number of those who now regard themselves as "Serb" did not indeed do so only 12 years ago. This suggests that the assumption discussed above is wrong and the causal relations run in the opposite direction: they re-defined themselves as "Serb" because they support the maintenance of the union with Serbia. Thirdly, I briefly examine some factors that might possibly have affected the decisions made by those who regarded themselves as "Montenegrins" in 1991 to support or oppose the independence of Montenegro.
著者
横川 和穂
出版者
The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies
雑誌
ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)
巻号頁・発行日
no.33, pp.106-121, 2004

The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the reforms of local public finance in Russia that have been carried out during the first term of the Putin administration from 2000 to 2003. The building processes for home rule and local pubic finance institutions in Russia started during the 1990s, although it was after 2000 that a comprehensive fiscal reforms focusing on municipalities ensued. Therefore, after a brief survey of the problems during the 1990s that caused reforms to be necessary, this work attempts to examine a"Program for the Development of Fiscal Federalism in the Russian Federation in the Period until 2005"that was introduced in 2001 and gave an orientation for reforms of intergovernmental fiscal relationship.<BR>The program tried to strengthen federal control over local public finances, by introducing uniform rule at federal level for the delegation of expenditure authority, revenue distribution, and intergovernmental transfers, that have to be applied to all levels of government. It also aimed at improving the efficiency of local public finances by strengthening the fiscal independence of the municipalities.<BR>As a result of the reforms, local government retained less taxable revenue source, causing them to depend more heavily on fiscal transfers from federal and regional government. This change imposed certain constraints on the expenditure patterns of local governments, and caused changes in the local public service systems; subsidies for housing and public utilities were reduced, while social assistance to residents was increased. However, the actual reform process did not necessarily embody the ideals of the program in the sense that did not strengthen the fiscal independence of the municipalities.<BR>It can be said that distinguishing feature of fiscal reforms under the Putin administration is an attempt to concentrate more fiscal resources within the federal budget while simultaneously strengthening political control over municipalities. And thus federal government tried to restructure the lax management of local public finances through reforms from above.