著者

加藤 久子

出版者

東欧史研究会

雑誌

東欧史研究 (ISSN:03866904)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, pp.90-103, 2005 (Released:2019-04-14)

著者

加藤 久子

出版者

法政大学沖縄文化研究所

雑誌

沖縄文化研究 (ISSN:13494015)

巻号頁・発行日

no.46, pp.305-378, 2019-03-31

著者

伊達 聖伸 渡辺 優 見原 礼子 木村 護郎クリストフ 渡邊 千秋 小川 浩之 西脇 靖洋 加藤 久子 安達 智史 立田 由紀恵 佐藤 香寿実 江川 純一 増田 一夫 小川 公代 井上 まどか 土屋 和代 鶴見 太郎 浜田 華練 佐藤 清子

出版者

東京大学

雑誌

基盤研究(A)

巻号頁・発行日

2020-04-01

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本研究は、加速する時代のなかで西洋社会の「世俗」が新局面に入ったという認識の地平に立ち、多様な地理的文脈を考慮しながら、「世俗的なもの」と「宗教的なもの」の再編の諸相を比較研究するものである。ヨーロッパ大陸とアメリカ大陸の政教体制を規定している歴史的文脈の違いを構造的に踏まえ、いわゆる地理的「欧米」地域における世俗と宗教の関係を正面から扱いつつ、周辺や外部からの視点も重視し、「西洋」のあり方を改めて問う。

著者

加藤 久子

出版者

ロシア・東欧学会

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2007, no.36, pp.61-71, 2007 (Released:2010-05-31)

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Many studies have focused on the autonomous functions of the Catholic Church under the communist regime in Poland in comparison to other countries in former Eastern Europe. The autonomy of the church is sometimes confounded with the resistance or struggle against the communist party, although the church did not necessarily attempt to fight against the party with concerted effort. Obviously, the church is not a monolithic organization; it has to distinguish the general believers that account for most of the Polish from the leaders of the church. This paper examines how believers became involved with “the struggle, ” referring to the concept of the “collective mentality” proposed by George Lefebvre. He explained that some affairs were composed by the people, who gathered even accidentally, but because of their “collective mentality” they are capable to change the character of the activities into social and political affairs without conscious awareness.I will look, for instance, into an affair that occurred during the establishment of a parish church in an industrial estate around the Lenin Steelworks. I analyze what “collective mentality” was underlying, and how had been changed among people. For 12 years, people in this estate had moderately appealed to the party and to the administration to permit them to have their own church for practical reasons i.e. it was inconvenient to go to other churches as they were too far away, and they did not want to participate in a Mass in the snow and rain outdoors. Meanwhile they had come to clearly distinguish between the party and themselves.Generally, the affair has been recorded as a violent confrontation between the party and the church for freedom of faith. However, the believers that joined in the battle on the street said that at the beginning they only wanted to defend and keep their own cross, which they had built as a symbol of their faith. They changed their attitude gradually because of escalation of violence, and the reaction of the authorities; consequently, many of them began to agitate for freedom of faith and other political ideals. In the process of escalation, however, we can observe some accidental factors, for example misunderstandings, miscommunications and so on. After the incident, clergymen suggested that the battle had been a political fight from the beginning and the believers were motivated by political and social reasons.This case demonstrates how Catholics participated in and were involved in the political field. There were some disconnects between the clergymen and the believers; both had their own stories and values. However, we can say that people shared a “collective mentality” through their relationship with others; that is true not only for the communist party, but also for the leaders of the church. And now the shared “collective mentality” is changing in relation with the others: the different generations, some foreign journalists and us-researchers of history.

著者

加藤 久子

出版者

ロシア・東欧学会

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2005, no.34, pp.77-87, 2005 (Released:2010-05-31)

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After World War lithe Polish government planned to reconstruct the infrastructure and accelerate industrialization and urbanization. In 1949, the Communist Party declared that they built a metallurgical complex “Nowa Huta” on the outskirts of Krakow as the main project of a 6-year plan. It was not only a symbol of industrialization and modernization, but also of a drastic transformation of Poland in every field of social life in accordance with Socialist ideology. The Communist Party thought of it as the first socialist city in Poland and propagated it like as a utopia of labours. It organized a lot of young peasants, who had neither land to plow nor work in their hometowns, to migrate to Nowa Huta. They surged into this “modern”city.The peasants, however, were mainly motivated by money-making rather than by the ideology: “struggle against the class enemy” and so on. In the early years of Nowa Huta, most young people regularly went to church with pleasure, and many of them participated in the organization of “Sluzba Polsce” (Service to Poland) . There was no ideological consistency. People sometimes behaved as young labourers or stylish town dwellers, and at other times lived as traditional peasants or devout Christians. In addition to pursuing pleasure and their own interests, they embodied different kinds of ideologies and ideals at the same time.Life in Nowa Huta was not easy because of a lack of houses and a disordered social environment. A priest described the situation as chaotic, confused, and lawless. The party started to attack the church and banned the construction of a parish and any new parish churches. Inhabitants could not have their own parish church. Why would they keep religious practices and faith under these conditions? And how?One of influential factor was catechism. Even parents who had not been to church regularly made their children prepare for their first Communion. Few people refused it. In Poland, the customs, the manner of behaviours, and the calendar are closely related to Catholicism. The church, families, and the local society consisted in religious ceremonies and annual events. These practices depending on the family and the small community strongly connected the religion with their daily lives.

著者

加藤 久子

出版者

The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2003, no.32, pp.175-177, 2003 (Released:2010-05-31)

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

加藤 久子

出版者

東欧史研究会

雑誌

東欧史研究 (ISSN:03866904)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, pp.165-170, 2018 (Released:2022-02-13)

著者

加藤 久子

出版者

関東学院大学経済学部・経営学部教養学会

雑誌

自然・人間・社会 (ISSN:0918807X)

巻号頁・発行日

no.69, pp.67-106,

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本稿では上に挙げたキーワードのうち、下記の3点について関東学院大学「【経済・経営学部】秋学期オンライン授業の実施方法について(8月31日送付)」に基づき、以下のように定義する。LMS(学習管理システム)manaba:授業資料、授業資料の補足説明、学習方法についての説明、小テスト(またはリアクションペーパー)を掲示し、小テスト(またはリアクションペーパー)を提出させる。オンデマンド型:音声付動画(PPT+音声、授業録画等)をstream、YouTube、Teams等を利用して配信する。双方向型(リアルタイム):Zoom等を利用してライブ配信し、ライブ授業は録画。通信環境の問題でリアルタイムでの受講が難しかった学生用にオンデマンドの配信も授業実施日内に行う。

著者

加藤 久子

出版者

法政大学沖縄文化研究所

雑誌

沖縄文化研究 (ISSN:13494015)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, pp.305-378, 2019-03-31

著者

福田 宏 姉川 雄大 河合 信晴 菅原 祥 門間 卓也 加藤 久子

出版者

成城大学

雑誌

基盤研究(C)

巻号頁・発行日

2020-04-01

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本研究は、社会主義期の旧東欧諸国を事例として権威主義体制の強靱性を明らかにしようとするものである。従来の政治学の議論では、全ての国や地域は民主化されるべきであり、実際においても、その方向に向かっているという暗黙の了解が存在した。ところが、2010年代半ば頃より、民主主義の「後退」や権威主義体制の「しぶとさ」が盛んに議論されるようになってきている(例えば、モンク『民主主義を救え!』2019)。その点において、東欧の権威主義体制は今こそ参照すべき歴史的経験と言える。本研究では、史資料の公開やオーラルヒストリーによって急速に進みつつある歴史学上の成果を活かしつつ、当時における体制の内実に迫りたい。

著者

加藤 久子

出版者

法政大学沖縄文化研究所

雑誌

沖縄文化研究 = 沖縄文化研究 (ISSN:13494015)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, pp.405-433, 2015-03-31