著者

伊藤 清司

出版者

慶應義塾大学

雑誌

史学 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.4, pp.529-559, 1969-03

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はじめに第一節 山川の妖怪 窮奇 〓窳 蠱雕 犀渠 〓雀,猲狙 九尾の狐 土〓・欽原 〓鴞 〓〓その他 馬腹・馬腸之物

著者

伊藤 清司

出版者

慶應義塾大学

雑誌

史学 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.163-212, 1969-11

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山川の鬼神・妖怪の属性とその棲み処を記述した山経は、山林薮藪沢に立ちいる者にとつて、怪物の害を避けるうえの手引きとなつたであろうし、これはまた、崇り・揃禍いする山川の神々の正体を判別して、それに宥恕を請い、あるいは、それを撃攘しようとする者にとつて、有効なる書でもあつたであろう。しかし、圧倒的な勢威をもつて君臨し、人々の幸不幸を支配したのが岳神であつた。山経はそれら岳神の祭祀方法について具体的に記録した書でもあつた。山経は好んで怪力乱神を語るものでは、もちろんなかつたのである。人倫関係の改善や社会秩序の確立によつて、世の平和と人々の幸福を期待しうると主張する者にとつて、山川に棲む神々は敬して遠ざくべきものであり、あるいは、否定すべきものですらあつた。しかし、山川に出没する妖怪の存在を信じておびえ、去来する鬼神の怒りに恐怖する人々は、変わることなく多かつた。已然として人々は、雲を湧出する峰々に神霊の存在を観じ、「山川ノ神ハ則チ水旱癘疫ノ災」をくだし、おるいはまた、「能ク百里ヲ潤ス」恩沢を賜うものと信じていた。山川の超自然的存在がこの世の禍福を左右するものと信じる社会にとつて、その超自然的存在について誌した山経は、決して、虚誕の書ではなかつたのである。山経は古代中国の邑里にくらす人々の伝来の民間信仰と、それらにかかわる日々のなりわいの苦悩とをふまえ、これに対処せんとする者-おそらくは、巫祝たちの儀礼の書としての一面をもつものである。山経はたしかに一つの実用の書であつた。 「漢書」芸文志によれば、かつて 禎祥変怪 二十一巻 人鬼精物六畜変怪 二十一巻 変怪誥咎 十三巻 執不祥劾鬼物 八巻 請宿除妖祥 十九巻 禳祀天文 十八巻 請〓致福 十九巻 請雨止雨 二十八巻の諸書が存していたという。今日、これらの古書の具体的な内容は知るべくもないが、「禎祥変怪 二十一巻」・「人鬼精物六畜変怪 二十一巻」等は、その名から想像して、山経の記録している百物・怪力乱神の類が含まれていたであろうし、「執不祥劾鬼物 八巻」・「請官除妖祥 十九巻」等には、これらの魑魅罔両・神姦を除祓するための儀礼・呪術が説かれていたとみられ、「請雨止雨 二十八巻」には、「現ワルレバ則チ大雨・現ワルレバ則チ大旱」を致す水神・旱鬼を宥和・祓除する呪術が記されていたとみられる。すなわち、これら一群の佚書の中には、山経の妖怪・百物の神々等に関する記述につながるものがあり、あるいは、その奥義書Upanisad的なものともいうべき書が含まれていると想像されるのである。他方、山経の岳神祭祀に関する記載自体は、どぢらかというと、礼書的体裁を帯びている。これらの点から、山経は「周礼」春官にみられる職掌に該当するもの、おそらくは祝史らの管轄するところではなかつたかと想像されるのであるが、山経と祝史・巫祝との関係については、稿を改めて考えることとする。

著者

伊藤 清司

出版者

慶應義塾大学

雑誌

史学 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.1, pp.73-106, 1969-08

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第二節 風水の神第三節 早魃の神第四節 蝗螽の神

著者

伊藤 清司

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.3, pp.185-202, 1959-07-25 (Released:2018-03-27)

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Among the materials of ancient China, especiary among the Inscriptions of Bronze Vessels (金文) of Western Chou Dynasty (西周), we have found a number of records that tell us that the Emperor of China (天子) often shot water-birds and fishes personally at the Holy Pond (辟雍) in the suburbs of the capital. (〓〓Yu-Kuei;麦尊Mai-Tsun;礼記・月令Li-Chi・Yueh-Ling etc.) This custom originally came from the religious belief that spring would come earlier if game were offered af the end of winter. In国語・魯語(Kuo-Yu・Lu-Kuo) it states, "In the end of the coldest season, the officers of fushery hunted big fishes and water-birds and prayed to gods sacrificing them for easier coming of spirng". People thought water-birds and fishes were spirits of spring, as they would appear with the coming of spring. And this belief was connected with the divination which foretold whether the year would be abundant or meager by the amount of game. In Shih-Chin (詩経) people sang, "Men divine by fishing to see whether they will have an abundant harvest or not." (小雅・無羊; Hsiao-Ya・Wu-Yang) By the Inscriptions of Bronze Vessels of Western Chou Dynasty, we know that the rites of the personal cultivation (籍田) and of shooting were performed together by the Emperor. (令鼎, Ling Ting) And when the Emperor, the supreme ruler of the whole country, performed this shooting ritual, the year's crop for the whole country was forecast at the same time. So, the ritual was a very responsible business for him, and was performed very impressively. Hence we know that the shooting ritual as an annual act of divination came to be related with the agricultural ritual. But later it was celebrated not only with the agricultural ceremony but also with various kinds of rituals and the game which had been shot down then were dedicated to gods. The shooting ritual had gradually lost its original meaning and changed into a kind of symposium for praying gods with offering game. Often there people ate the offerings and swore each other by gods. On the other hand, people also prayed to the gods by shooting wild beasts, such as bears, deers and tigers etc., above the ground. We have already noted that there was such a ceremony in Yin Dynasty (殷代) on the Inscriptions of Bone (甲骨文) and I think that its significance was similar to the above-mentioned. Keeping step with the change in the meaning, the shooting ritual had changed greatly in its form. In the later half of Western Chou Dynasty, it became obsolete for the Emperor to shoot personally at the Holy-Pond. It was performed at some shooting range (〓,〓,序) which was set near by the Pond. And there the Emperor himself did not shoot game any longer, but his subjects competed in the shooting with each other for the prize which would be given by His Majesty. (〓曹鼎,Hsi-Ts'ao-Ting;師湯父鼎, Shih-T'ang-Fu- Ting;礼記・射義, Li-Chi・She-I) In this competition, however, we heve found some traces of the old custom. They used the target of canvas with the hide or the picture of a bear, deer or tiger on it. In some cases, people called the target by the name of Hu (鵠) or Hou (候). Hu (鵠) is the name of a water-bird. But Hou (候) means usually a feudal lord (候). Therefore some people have said that the purpose of the Shooting ritual was to punish the bad feudal lord and that the Emperor made his subjects shoot the target which represented the evil lord and therefore the target was named after候(Hou). (cf.陳槃"候与射候"; Ch'en-P'an "Hou and Shooting the Target") But I believe候was originally the name of a bird 鴻(Hung) and then the target (Hou) itself was modelled after the bird that was a object to be shot in the early period.

著者

伊藤 清司

出版者

三田史学会

雑誌

史學 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.3, pp.277-303, 1962-03

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The folk-tale called the "Portrait Wife" Story in Japan is of the same type as the "Featherclothing" (鳥衣説話) in China. The latter has been already discussed by W. Eberhard, and the outline of the story is as follows: (cf. Typen Chinesischer Volksmarchen 195, Das Federkleid FFC No. 120.) 1. Ein Mann hat eine so schone Frau, dass er sich nie von ihr trennen kann. 2. Aus wirtschaftlichen Grunden muss er aber Geld verdienen. 3. Die Frau gibt ihm ein Bild von sich mit als Ersatz dafur, dass er sie nicht sehen kann. 4. Das Bild wird vom Wind in den Hof des Konigs getragen. 5. Der Konig lasst sie suchen und holen ; sie wird Konigin. 6. Der Mann macht sich ein Kleid aus Federn und kommt eines Tages auf Verabredung an den Hof und bieted Gemuse an. 7. Seine Frau lacht zum ersten Mai, als sie sieht. 8. Der Konig, der sehr betrubt darubt war, dass sie nie lachte, freut sich, tauscht das Federkleid mit dem Konigskleid. 9. Der mann lasst den ins Federkleid gekleideten Konig toten, wird selbst Konig. This type of stories have been found widely among the Chinese of the several provinces-Chiang-su (江蘇), Che-chiang (浙江), Kuang-tung (廣東), which have been mentioned by Eberhand, and Anhui (安徽), etc.; moreover, it is found among such minorities as Miao (苗), Bai (白), Tibet (藏), Zhuang (僮) and Nasi (納西), etc. of the province of Hu-nan (湖南), Kui-chou (貴州), Ssu-ch'uan (四川), Yun-nan (雲南) and Hsi-kang (西康), etc. These folk stories are often accompanied by the introductory parts which tell how a beautiful woman passed through life before she gets married to a poor young man, and these introductory stories are divided broadly into three groups: 1. a group of stories in which the beautiful woman is a heavenly maiden or a dragon-daughter. 2. a group of stories in which she is high-born, for expample a princess. 3. no introductory stories. The groups (1) and (2) are further divided into some outgroups respectively. We find it difficult to tell which of the above mentioned groups is the original pattern of the introductory part of the "Featherclothing" Story. The "Portrit Wife" stories in Japan also have various kinds of introductory parts, which are classified into three groups as well, and most of which have exactly the same introductory stories as in the "Featherclothing" Story in China. This fact seems to prove that the "Portrait Wife" Story and the "Featherclothing" Story have the same origin. But the problem is not so simple, for we find one remarkable difference between the story in China and that in Japan. In the former, the hero visits his wife in the palace, wearing the feather clothing (rarely the skin clothing) which she commanded him to wear when she was about to be taken out of her house by the emperor; in the latter, as we can see from the fact that this story is not called "Featherclothing" Story, the hero has not received any instruction from her about the clothing to put on. Accordingly I will set forth my own view, which is as follows: It is not in point to presume that the "Featherclothing" Stories that had various kinds of stories in their introductory part came to lose the factor of feather clothing after they came to Japan. Probably they had already lost this factor in China, and got mixed with many folk stories after they came to Japan, and came to have various kinds of stories in their introductory parts. What does the feather clothing-the remarkable factor in the "Featherclothing" Story in China-mean on earth ? The Japanese type of these stories has its originality in lacking that factor, but the heroine in Chinese ones never leaves her husband without commanding him to put on the feather clothing. Why ? The principal point is that the story has the factors where the man is always under the control of his wife who was oridiginally a heaven maiden in the introductory part (for example, the Featherclothing story in Kuantung), and it is by the feather clothing that she makes the poor, honest man happy. I think that it is by the mysterious power that, on wearing, the man's feather clothing, the emperor fall into misery. The folk tale talked among the "Ch'uan Miao" (川苗) is very suggestive in the respect, it runs that a Warty Toad obtained a good wife, became human, and became Emperor, (cf. D. C. Graham: Songs and Stories of the Ch'uan Miao. p.182-183). This is evidently a complex story which contained factors of other stories, and the outline of it is as follows: The emperor stole away the wife of the toad to be his wife. The warty toard followed along after his wife and the emperor. He followed them until they arrived in a big flat. When the warty toad arrived there, he turned somersaults. When he turned over a somersault he turned in to a yangman. When he turned a somersant back again, he turned again into a warty toad. The emperor looked at it, and the wife said to the emper- or., "If you will put on the clothing of the warty toad, I will believe you more." Then the emperor took off his clothing and gave it to the warty toard, and the warty toad took off his skin and gave it to the emperor. The emperor put on that skin and turned over a somersault, and that skin stuck to him, when he turned a somersault back again, he could not take off that skin. Additionally a common factor in the "Featherclothing" Story and the "Portrait Wife" Story-namely the factor that after the wife gave her husband her portrait, it is thrown off by the windseems not to be found in the original pattern of the Stories. But it seems to me that in earlier times-at least before the Story came from China to Japan,-the factor had already come into the Story and made it more interesting.

著者

伊藤 清司

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.1, pp.106-108, 1974-06-30