著者

清水 芳見

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.166-185, 1989-09-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

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本稿では, ヨルダンの北部のクフル・ユーバーという村の邪視信仰について, 記述, 考察する。この村では, 邪視は妬みと不可分に結びついており, 妬みが生じるような状況下では, どんな人間でも邪視を放つ可能性があるとされている。邪視除けの方法として, この村でもっともよく行なわれるのは, 邪視にやられると思われたときに特定の文句を唱えることであり, 邪視にやられて病気になったときの治療法としては, sha' ir al-mawlidと呼ばれる植物などを焚きながら特別な祈念をしたり, クルアーンの章句を唱えたりすることがよく行なわれる。この村では, 邪視を放った者を公に告発するようなことは行なわれないが, この告発ということに関連して, 邪視を放ったという疑いをかけられないようにするための方策がよく巡らされる。最後に, この村では, 邪視がつねにイスラームというコンテクストのなかで理解されているということが, 本稿全体を通して明らかになった。

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.App1, 1989-06-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

池上 二良

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.2, pp.180-181, 1973-09-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

林 武

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.2, pp.151-153, 1975-09-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

波平 恵美子

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.4, pp.334-355, 1978-03-31 (Released:2018-03-27)

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This article discusses symbolic meanings of the belief in which a drowned body becomes deified as Ebisu-gami. Japanese fishermen usually are under a prohibition or a taboo that they should not take pollution caused by death into the sea, because they belive the sea is a sacred place and pollution, especially concerning death, might cause dangers to them. Nevertheless, they pick up a drowned body whenever they find it on the sea and deify it as Ebisugami, a luck-bringing deity. In Japanese folk belief Ebisu-gami is worshipped as a luck-bringing deity by fishermen, farmers or merchant and is also a guardian deity of roads and voyages. A remarkable attribute of Ebisu is its deformity. The deity is believed to be one-eyed, deaf, lame or hermaphrodical. It is also believed to be very ugly. People sometimes say that it is too ugly to attend an annual meeting of all gods which is held in Izumo, Simane Prefecture. In Japanese symbolic system deformity and ugliness are classified Into Kegare (pollution) category as I have represented in my articles (NAMIHIRA, E. : 1974 ; 1976). Some manners in Ebisu rituals tell that Ebisu is a polluted or polluting deity, e. g., an offering to the deity is set in the manner like that of a funeral ceremony, and after a ritual the offering should not be eaten by promising young men. Cross-culturally deformity, ugliness or pollution is an indication of symbolic liminality'. In this sense. Ebisu has characteristics of liminality at several levels (1) between two kinds of spaces : A drowned body has been floating on the sea and will be brought to the land and then be deified there. In Japanese culture, the land is recognized 'this world' and the sea is 'the other world'. A drowned body comes to 'this world' from 'the other world'. (2) between one social group and another social group ; In the belief of Japanese fishermen only the drowned persons who had not belonged to their own social group, i. e., only dead strangers could be deified as Ebisu. The drowned person had belonged to one group but now belongs to another group and is worshipped by the members ; (3) between life and death : Japanese people do not perform a funeral ceremony unless they find a dead body. Therefore, a person who drowned and is floating on the sea is not dead in the full sense. That is, the person is between life and death. The liminality of Ebisu-gami is liable to relate to other deities whose attributes are also 'liminal'. Yama-no-kami (mountain deity) or Ta-no-kami (deity of rice fields) and Doso-shin(guardian deity of road) are sometimes regarded in connection with Ebisu. Japanese folk religion is a polytheistic and complex one. Then, it is significant to study such Ebisu-gami that are interrelational among gods and have high variety in different contexts in the Japanese belief system.

著者

アチック ミウゼアム

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.4, pp.710-768b, 1935-10-01 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

瀬川 昌久

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.111-140, 1986-09-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

林 善茂

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.3, pp.249-262, 1965-01-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

波平 恵美子

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.4, pp.334-355, 1978-03-31

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This article discusses symbolic meanings of the belief in which a drowned body becomes deified as Ebisu-gami. Japanese fishermen usually are under a prohibition or a taboo that they should not take pollution caused by death into the sea, because they belive the sea is a sacred place and pollution, especially concerning death, might cause dangers to them. Nevertheless, they pick up a drowned body whenever they find it on the sea and deify it as Ebisugami, a luck-bringing deity. In Japanese folk belief Ebisu-gami is worshipped as a luck-bringing deity by fishermen, farmers or merchant and is also a guardian deity of roads and voyages. A remarkable attribute of Ebisu is its deformity. The deity is believed to be one-eyed, deaf, lame or hermaphrodical. It is also believed to be very ugly. People sometimes say that it is too ugly to attend an annual meeting of all gods which is held in Izumo, Simane Prefecture. In Japanese symbolic system deformity and ugliness are classified Into Kegare (pollution) category as I have represented in my articles (NAMIHIRA, E. : 1974 ; 1976). Some manners in Ebisu rituals tell that Ebisu is a polluted or polluting deity, e. g., an offering to the deity is set in the manner like that of a funeral ceremony, and after a ritual the offering should not be eaten by promising young men. Cross-culturally deformity, ugliness or pollution is an indication of symbolic liminality'. In this sense. Ebisu has characteristics of liminality at several levels (1) between two kinds of spaces : A drowned body has been floating on the sea and will be brought to the land and then be deified there. In Japanese culture, the land is recognized 'this world' and the sea is 'the other world'. A drowned body comes to 'this world' from 'the other world'. (2) between one social group and another social group ; In the belief of Japanese fishermen only the drowned persons who had not belonged to their own social group, i. e., only dead strangers could be deified as Ebisu. The drowned person had belonged to one group but now belongs to another group and is worshipped by the members ; (3) between life and death : Japanese people do not perform a funeral ceremony unless they find a dead body. Therefore, a person who drowned and is floating on the sea is not dead in the full sense. That is, the person is between life and death. The liminality of Ebisu-gami is liable to relate to other deities whose attributes are also 'liminal'. Yama-no-kami (mountain deity) or Ta-no-kami (deity of rice fields) and Doso-shin(guardian deity of road) are sometimes regarded in connection with Ebisu. Japanese folk religion is a polytheistic and complex one. Then, it is significant to study such Ebisu-gami that are interrelational among gods and have high variety in different contexts in the Japanese belief system.

著者

菊地 滋夫

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.3, pp.273-294, 1999-12-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

被引用文献数

1

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東アフリカ海岸地方後背地における緩やかなイスラーム化は, この地域に顕著に見られる憑依霊信仰と密接に関連している。しかし, すべての精霊が, それによって憑依された者にイスラームヘの改宗を要請するというわけではない。ある一群の精霊が他と比較して格段に強力かつ危険と見なされており, これらによって憑依された人々が, 心身の病状の悪化を避けるべく, 多少なりともイスラーム的な生活を送ることを余儀なくされるのである。他方, イスラームヘの改宗者たちのなかには, 病院における病気治療の失敗や, 学校教育からの疎外といった経験に言及する人々がいる。本稿では, カウマ社会における改宗者たちへの聞き取り調査に基づいて, 改宗の意味づけに一定のパターンを認めうることを示すとともに, イスラームヘの改宗が求められる憑依霊と, 病院や学校教育からの疎外という経験が相応する歴史的関係の一端を解きほぐすべく検討を試みる。

著者

金 永鍵

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, no.1, pp.54-69, 1936-01-01 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

祖父江 孝男

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.70-91, 1992-06-30

被引用文献数

1

著者

村崎 恭子

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.4, pp.657-661, 1963 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

杉本 直治郎 御手洗 勝

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.3-4, pp.304-327, 1951-03-15 (Released:2018-03-27)

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Over 2, 000 years ago the Fu-sang legend appeared in Chinese literature in the form of a treelegend, also having some connection with the sun. The authors, tracing the legend back to its original form, make it clear that its original form must have been a pure sun-legend. The Jo-mu (若木) which was identified with the Fu-sang means a sun-tree, the sound of 若 (^*njiak) being that of 日 (^*njiet), "sun", and both Jo-mu and Fu-sang are associated with the legend of "Ten Suns." As the character of "sang" (桑)="mulberry" in Fu-sang resembles that of "jo" (若=〓) in Jo-mu, there has been a misreading since the Chou period. But 扶桑=扶〓=扶若=扶日 seems to have been the proper series, and the last of the series 扶日 (Fu-jih) is identical with the Fu-jih (拂日 "striking the sun") which is seen in old Chinese documents combined with the Jo-mu (若木). Furthermore, as we have the legend of the Pi-jih (〓日 "shooting the sun") in which the archer I (〓) shot nine suns down out of the ten, the Pih-jih ("shooting the sun") must have been the original meaning of the word Fu-sang (扶桑) which can be identified with the Fu-jih (拂日 "striking the sun"). We find examples of such a rite of invigoration as "helping the sun" in the eclipse or shooting for the same purpose wang shih (枉矢)=huang shih (黄矢), fire-arrow, at the sun not only in the old Chinese documents, but also in modern ethnological literature. The Shantung peninsula was the principal field of activities of I, the hero of the legend of "Ten Suns." The legend itself seems to have derived from the institution of "Ten Days" which was prevalent among the Tung-i (東夷) in Shantung. The authors assume that the Fu-sang legend was first formed among this people and then transmitted southward by the migration of the Ch'u (楚) tribe belonging to the Tung-i. According to Chinese legends, there is the Hsiliu (細柳 "slender willow") in the west where the sun sets, in contrast to the Fu-sang in the east where the sun rises. The epithet hsi ("slender") being added only from the association with the meaning "willow" which the character liu has, the real meaning of the Hsi-liu must lie in the sound liu. While the place where the sun rises in the east is called T'ang-ku (湯谷), the place where the sun sets in the west is called Liu-ku (柳谷). Liu-ku is called also Mei-ku (昧谷), Meng-ku (蒙谷), Meng-ssu (蒙〓), etc. As the liu here is demonstrated to be mei (昧)=meng (蒙)=an (暗)=yin (陰), meaning "dark, " the Liu-ku must be Mei-ku=Meng-ku=Meng-ssu=An-ssu (暗〓)=Yin-ssu (陰〓), "the valley wherein the sun sets, " opposite to the T'ang-ku (湯谷)=Yang-ku (陽谷), "the valley from where the sun rises." Therefore, the proper meaning of such a name as Yen-tsu (〓〓) where the sun sets, which has been a riddle to sinologists, is Yin-ssu (陰〓), the valley wherein the sun sets. The Hsien-ch'ih (咸池) and Kan-yuan (甘淵), in which the sun is said to bathe, are also respectively nothing else than the An-ch'ih (暗池)=Yin-ch'ih (陰池), "the pond in which the sun sets, " and An-yuan (暗淵), "the deep in which the sun sets."

著者

清水 芳見

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.1, pp.91-100, 1983-06-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

清水 芳見

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.3, pp.333-341, 1985-12-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

小川 博

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.3, pp.211-212, 1967-12-31 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

久保寺 逸彦

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.3-4, pp.230-236, 1952 (Released:2018-03-27)

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According to the standard literature, the Ainu are indifferent to ancestor worship, as evidenced by the fact that they do not visit the graves of the dead. This judgement is mistaken. It will be shown here that they practice the worship of the souls of their ancestors with no less proper ceremony and frequency than other peoples. The ceremony in question is divided into two categories : nurappa and shi-nurappa. (1) When the Ainu brew a small quantity of sake, or they are presented with it, they hold a small-scale nurappa. (2) Periodically in spring and autumn, and most ceremoniously in winter, each family of the village brews a large quantity of sake and invites many relatives and neighbors and holds a large-scale shi-nurappa. These ceremonies may be performed by themselves or as part of other religious services such as the iomante (bear-festival). Since the dead are considered deities who live in the subterranean divine land in the same way as they did on earth, the souls of the ancestors should be worshipped along with other deities, and other deities are usually worshipped along with the souls of the ancestors. The ceremony for the souls of the ancestors is performed before a special altar, which is erected between the sacred window on the east side of the house and the nusa-san altar in front of the window (Fig.3 on p.53). One male and several females participate in the ceremony. The former is the family-chief, or a representative of his who is aged, eloquent, and well versed in ritual formulae, and should belong to the patrilineal descent of the male ancestors of the family ; the female participants have, as a rule, the same upshor forms (s. p.69) as those of the female ancestors being worshipped on that occasion, that is to say, they belong to their matrilineal descent. The male worshipper erects ceremonial shaved sticks (inau), makes libations, offers prayers to the ancestral souls, and crushes sake-lees, tobacco, cakes, and other offerings in his hand and scatters them around. The female participants also take these offerings in their hand, and crush and scatter them ; in former days, however, they seem to have offered prayers, too. After this the women have a drink by themselves, eat some of the offerings, and dance solace to the ancestral souls ; in the house the men have a feast toward nightfall. Another prevalent misconception is that Ainu women are not qualified to participate in religious ceremonies. Therefore, it is all the more significant that in fact the matrilineal female descendants worship the souls of their female ancestors during these ceremonies. One of the chief findings of our 1951 joint research on the Ainu is the fact that in their social structure matrilineal descent prevailed for females and patrilineal descent for males. The author intends to take this peculiar feature of their social structure into consideration in analyzing their religious rites and ceremonies.

著者

服部 四郎 知里 真志保

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.4, pp.307-342, 1960-11-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

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In 1955 and 1956, the authors and others were able to investigate the Ainu dialects, which were on the point of dying out. Some of the informants were the last surviving speaker or speakers of the dialects, and all of them were very old people. Some of them even have died since our investigation. In this article, we present the lexicostatistic data of 19 dialects, of which 13 are those of Hokkaido and 6 are those of Sakhalin. All the field work was done in Hokkaido. Some informants spoke Ainu fluently, but others spoke imperfectly and were unable to remember several words. In §4 (Table I on p.37&acd;p.59), the Ainu words are arranged according to Swadesh's 200 item list. In §5 (cf. Table II inserted), cognate residues are marked with +; non-cognates with -; cognates and non-cognates with±(when one or both of the dialects have two forms, and the inperfectness of the record does not allow us to decide which is more basic); questionable etymology or choice with ○; doubtful record with?; no answer given with・; lacuna of record with ( ). On Table II, all + have been omitted, except for ±. In §6, problematic points in the computation of residues are discussed. In §7 (Table III and Fig.2), the percentages of the residual cognates are shown in figures and graphs. In §8, the significance of the figures on Table III (Fig.2) is discussed. It is pointed out among other things that there is a remarkable gap between Hokkaido dialects and those of Sakhalin, Soya, the northernmost of Hokkaido, being the closest to the Sakhalin dialects. A significant gap is also seen between Samani on the one hand, and Niikappu, Hiratori, and Nukkibetsu on the other, which coincides with the discrepancies in other culture and customs, etc. In §9, the data on Table I are examined from the view-point of linguistic geography. In §10, questions concerning the computation of time-depth are referred to. In §11, the items, with regard to which the Hokkaido and Sakhalin dialects diverge from each other, are compared with those with regard to which the Ryukyuan and the Japanese dialects diverge from each other. It is found that the only common item in the two lists is 47. knee. Thus, it is possible to state that Ainu and Japanese have had the tendency to change in different directions, in so far as the 200 item list is concerned. In §12, it is pointed out that Japanese loanwords in Ainu and Chinese loan-words in Japanese are very few in so far as the list is concerned. Hattori does not think it impossible that the root √<kur> of Ainu and the forms of Japanese, Korean, Tunguse, and Turkic (on p.66) are cognates from the possible parent language of all these languages. It is hoped to promote comparative study of this kind.

著者

星野 晋

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.4, pp.460-481, 2002-03-30

被引用文献数

1

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本研究は、エホバの証人の輸血拒否を、新しい医療技術の開発によって医療現場で生じた文化摩擦であると位置づけ、この問題をめぐる日本の医療環境の変化の過程を見ていくことにより、医療と技術と文化の関係を検討することを目的とする。エホバの証人(法人名、ものみの塔聖書冊子協会)は、19世紀末にアメリカで誕生したキリスト教系の宗教団体であり、血を食べてはならないという聖書の記述を根拠に医療現場で輸血を拒否することが、さまざまな国で社会問題になった。日本では、1985年交通事故に遭った小学生の輸血を両親が拒否し死に至ったことがマスコミで報道され、エホバの証人、信者である両親、輸血を強行しなかった医師等が非難の的となった。1990年前後から、輸血拒否問題をめぐる状況は大きく変わり始める。患者の自己決定権、インフォームド・コンセントといった概念が社会的に認知されるようになってきたが、これらの考え方はエホバの証人の輸血を拒否し「無輸血治療」を選択するという主張と合致するものであった。一方、薬害エイズ問題等で輸血や血液製剤の危険性が改めて注目されるところとなり、その回避にもつながる新しい薬剤や技術が開発されはじめる。その結果、輸血は人の生死を分ける唯一の選択肢ではなくなった。また協会はそのころ、新しい技術や無輸血治療に理解を示す医師等についての情報を信者に提供するなどして信者と医療の架け橋の役割を果たす、医療機関連絡委員会等の部門を設置する。結局、医療側とエホバの証人は、それぞれがいだく信念の直接衝突を避け、インフォームド・コンセントの枠組みを最大限に利用し、その場面でなされる利用可能な技術の選択という一般的なテーマに輸血拒否の問題を解消させる。その結果この文化摩擦は解決する方向に向かっているといえる。