著者
杉本 直治郎 御手洗 勝
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.15, no.3-4, pp.304-327, 1951-03-15 (Released:2018-03-27)

Over 2, 000 years ago the Fu-sang legend appeared in Chinese literature in the form of a treelegend, also having some connection with the sun. The authors, tracing the legend back to its original form, make it clear that its original form must have been a pure sun-legend. The Jo-mu (若木) which was identified with the Fu-sang means a sun-tree, the sound of 若 (^*njiak) being that of 日 (^*njiet), "sun", and both Jo-mu and Fu-sang are associated with the legend of "Ten Suns." As the character of "sang" (桑)="mulberry" in Fu-sang resembles that of "jo" (若=〓) in Jo-mu, there has been a misreading since the Chou period. But 扶桑=扶〓=扶若=扶日 seems to have been the proper series, and the last of the series 扶日 (Fu-jih) is identical with the Fu-jih (拂日 "striking the sun") which is seen in old Chinese documents combined with the Jo-mu (若木). Furthermore, as we have the legend of the Pi-jih (〓日 "shooting the sun") in which the archer I (〓) shot nine suns down out of the ten, the Pih-jih ("shooting the sun") must have been the original meaning of the word Fu-sang (扶桑) which can be identified with the Fu-jih (拂日 "striking the sun"). We find examples of such a rite of invigoration as "helping the sun" in the eclipse or shooting for the same purpose wang shih (枉矢)=huang shih (黄矢), fire-arrow, at the sun not only in the old Chinese documents, but also in modern ethnological literature. The Shantung peninsula was the principal field of activities of I, the hero of the legend of "Ten Suns." The legend itself seems to have derived from the institution of "Ten Days" which was prevalent among the Tung-i (東夷) in Shantung. The authors assume that the Fu-sang legend was first formed among this people and then transmitted southward by the migration of the Ch'u (楚) tribe belonging to the Tung-i. According to Chinese legends, there is the Hsiliu (細柳 "slender willow") in the west where the sun sets, in contrast to the Fu-sang in the east where the sun rises. The epithet hsi ("slender") being added only from the association with the meaning "willow" which the character liu has, the real meaning of the Hsi-liu must lie in the sound liu. While the place where the sun rises in the east is called T'ang-ku (湯谷), the place where the sun sets in the west is called Liu-ku (柳谷). Liu-ku is called also Mei-ku (昧谷), Meng-ku (蒙谷), Meng-ssu (蒙〓), etc. As the liu here is demonstrated to be mei (昧)=meng (蒙)=an (暗)=yin (陰), meaning "dark, " the Liu-ku must be Mei-ku=Meng-ku=Meng-ssu=An-ssu (暗〓)=Yin-ssu (陰〓), "the valley wherein the sun sets, " opposite to the T'ang-ku (湯谷)=Yang-ku (陽谷), "the valley from where the sun rises." Therefore, the proper meaning of such a name as Yen-tsu (〓〓) where the sun sets, which has been a riddle to sinologists, is Yin-ssu (陰〓), the valley wherein the sun sets. The Hsien-ch'ih (咸池) and Kan-yuan (甘淵), in which the sun is said to bathe, are also respectively nothing else than the An-ch'ih (暗池)=Yin-ch'ih (陰池), "the pond in which the sun sets, " and An-yuan (暗淵), "the deep in which the sun sets."
著者
小林 高四郎
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.20, no.1-2, pp.36-46, 1956-08-10 (Released:2018-03-27)

As formerly Prof. Egami published an article titled "On the beverages and foods of the Hsiungnu (匈奴), Mr. Hotta recently dealt with the same problem in detail also (vide "The Shigaku", Vol.27, No.4, a journal of the Keio University). But owing to the anbiguousness of the Mongolian language and the inaccuracy of the Chinese documents, we are not yet able to understand exactly the substances and their Mongolian names. So some questions remain uncertain still. Accordingly the present author aimed to explain the real meanings of such Mongolian words as "airan", airaq, araxi, esug, cigen, kumys etc., and the identity with the Chinese characters denoting the above mentioned beverages, 酪 lo, 馬酪 ma-lo, 賣 su, 阿児赤 arci, 哈刺赤 haraci, 馬〓子 ma-nai-tzu, 醍醐 ti-hu etc., principally from the philological points of view. The results led us to the correction of the opinions of Mr. Hotta, late Prof. Ramstedt, and Prof. Karlgren. Moreover the author explained the Mongolian words, 'sarχud', 'bisilarγ' and 'bor'.
著者
梅屋 潔
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.4, pp.342-365, 1995 (Released:2018-03-27)

新潟県佐渡島の人々の間では,ムジナ(貉(ムジナ))ないしトンチボ(頓智坊)と呼ばれる動物がしばしば話題に上る。この動物は動物でありながら神であり,ときに人間にも変身する存在として知られている。ところが,注意深くこの概念を巡る語りをみてみると,その意味が極めて同定し難いことがわかる。われわれからみると明らかに異質な存在が,同じものであるかのように「あたりまえ」のものとして語られるのである。本稿の目的は,そのムジナについての語りの分析を通じて,従来人類学者が「象徴」という概念を用いる衝動に駆られるとき,いったいなにが起きているのか,また,語りの中でそのような概念の果たしている役割は何か,という問いに答えようとするものである。「あたりまえ」と考えられていることを相対化し,考察するために,従来の中間的話体に加えて,テキストの微視的な分析を行うことにより,われわれ,そしてかれらの中で起こっているコンテキストのくむかえや矛盾の無視などが明らかにされる。

2 1 0 0 OA 虹の話

著者
安間 清
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.22, no.3-4, pp.223-244, 1959-01-25 (Released:2018-03-27)

Almost all the people of any village or town in Nagano-ken in Japan imagine that the rainbow rises from the water. " Where does the rainbow rise from ? " Ask the question, and one almost always receive such an answer that the rainbow rises from a pond, a marsh, a river, depths, a lake, or the sea. Sometimes people tel・1 him even the name of a special and definite pond or river from which the rainbow rises. Such a traditiona] belief among people that the rainbow rises from the water is found not only in Nagano-ken, but also in Niigata-ken, Yamanashi-ken, and Chiba-ken, and even in such a far northern district as Akita-ken, according to the author's information. It can also be found in Ishikawa・ken, Fukui-ken, the urban districts of Ky6to, Hy6go-ken, Kyti-shiu, and even in Okinawa Isles. In short, this traditoinal belief that the rainbow rises from the water may be considered to be wide spread among people all over Japan. And moreover it may have exsited a'mong people since ancient times. One can find the evidence of its existence in such classics as Kojiki, Nihonshoki, and Mannyo. The documents of the Heian Dynasty show that it also exsited in that age. The origin of this traditional belief can be explained by an ancient, belief that the rainbow is a dragon or serpent that lives in the water. The ancient be]ief even now remains evidently in such prefectures as Nagano-ken, Yamanashi-ken, Akita-ken, and dita-ken, and also in Okinawa Isles. This queer ancient belief that the rainbow is a dragon or serpent which rises from its dwelling place in the water is found not only among Japanese, but also among the Ainu, Koreans, Chinese, the aborigines of Formosa, Malayans, Rumanians, and lrishmen in Europe. Africans, Austrarians, and the natives in America, in so far as it has been known to the author till now. It may be concluded that all the people in the world, perhaps, had once the ancient belief. There was another belief from old time that the rainbow was a bridge from the heaven to the earth over which various divine beings passed. This was believed not only in Japan, China, and Korea, but also among American Indians and many of Europeans. It was also a world-wide traditional belief. There was one more belief that gold, treasures, and good luck were hidden at the place from which the rainbow rose. This belief was probably world-wide from old timesand seems to have some close relation with a strange Japanese custom in the Middle Age that a fair was held at the place from which a rainbow had risen. What interests the author is the report indicating some relation between the rainbow and an old Melanesian trade custom. What has been mentioned above is the result drawn from the data ivhich the author collected and arranged, but it is too great a riddle for him to solvb why there are such traditional beliefs about the rainbow that seem to be common to all the people in the world.
著者
秦 兆雄
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.68, no.4, pp.511-533, 2004-03-31 (Released:2018-03-22)

本研究は、中国湖北省の農村地域における招贅婚(妻方居住婚)に関する具体的な資料を提出し、招贅婿の改姓と復姓及び帰宗現象に焦点を当て、そのメカニズムを解明し、漢人社会の宗族規範と個人の選択について検討する試みである。宗族規範に基づく漢人社会では、夫方居住の嫁娶婚が正統的な婚姻形態であり、妻方居住の招贅婚はその逆だと文化的に見なされている。招贅婚の家族において岳父と婿は契約に基づいて同じ家族を形成しているが、それぞれは異なる系譜の一員として、異なる集団及び相互に対立する利害関係を代表しているため、たとえ婿が改姓して息子としての権利と義務を引き受けても、岳父と婿は同じ父系出自のアイデンティティを共有することは難しく、両者の関係は壊れやすい。父系理念としての宗族規範は、岳父の婿に村する改姓要求を正当化する理由と動機づけになる一方、婿の出身宗族に復帰する力としても作用している。従って、社会状況が婿にとって有利に変わると、彼らはしばしば復姓や帰宗の行動をとる。また、父系理念以外に、岳父と婿の個人または出身家族と宗族をめぐる社会的、経済的及び政治的な力関係や婿自身の性格などの要素も婿の復姓と帰宗に大きく作用していると考えられる。しかし、改姓した招贅婿の中には契約通りに自分の役割を果たし、復姓と帰宗を行っていない者もいる。そこには契約に関する社会的規範ならびに婿自身の性格や岳父側が優位に立つ社会的、経済的及び政治的状況などの要素が作用していると考えられる。また、息子を持たない家族は族内の「過継子」よりもむしろ族外の招贅婿を優先的に取る傾向も見られる。このような行為を合わせて考えてみれば、招贅婚における当事者は、宗族の規範よりもむしろ状況に応じて個人の利益を最優先にして社会関係を選択操作し、行動している傾向がみられる。このような宗族規範と個人の選択の相違により、招贅婿には多様な形態が見られる。改姓しない年眼婿と、改姓した後に復姓と帰宗をした終身婿という両極の間に、いくつかの形態をその連続線上でとらえることができる。招贅婿の改姓と復姓及び帰宗をめぐる折中国成立前後の動きは、宗族規範と個人の選択のゆらぎを示す事例として興味深い。その多くは、解放前岳父側の父系理念に従って一度改姓した婿が、解放後の劇的な社会変化を利用して、出身宗族の父系理念を優先させたものである。しかし、それは、必ずしも従来の内的な要因による両者または両宗族の力関係の変化ではなく、むしろ政権交代及びそれに伴う新しい国家政策が婿に有利になり、彼らの復姓と帰宗を可能にさせ、促進させた結果である。この現象は、解放後、国家の宗族に村する諸政策が、一方で強大な宗族の力と機能を弱めたが、他方では、弱小な宗族の機能と規範を強めているという両側面があることを示している。この意味で、本稿は従来の宗族研究の中で見落とされてきた土地改革と人民公社時期における宗族の実態を別の角度から明らかにし、弱小宗族の動きにも着目する必要性を示したと言える。