著者

守屋 彰夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.2, pp.38-54, 1982

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To define the correlation of &lsquo;treaty&rsquo; with &lsquo;covenant&rsquo;, the functions of the gods in the Aramaic Inscriptions from Sefire (Sf) are investigated from the religious-historical point of view. It is stated in stele IA lines 7-14 that this treaty was concluded <i>in the Presence of</i> the gods of the contracting parties and the names of the gods as witnesses are listed. In the first half of these lines (11. 7-10) the gods of <i>KTK</i>, an unknown city or territory, are enumerated in pairs, showing clearly the influence of the Babylonian pantheon. The construction of these lines suggests that the Babylonian culture exerted a remarkable influence on <i>KTK</i>. The latter part of the same enumeration lists the gods in Arpad as witnesses (11. 10-12). There both western semitic gods, such as <i>Hadad</i>, '<i>El and</i> '<i>Elyon</i>, and natural phenomena were worshipped. Unlike the former enumeration, there is no pair consisting of a god and his consort. To enumerate gods as witnesses in such a way was very prevalent in the Ancient Near Eastern traditions. In Sf natural phenomena were adored as well as gods, but in the OT phenomena listed were limited to only <i>heaven and earth</i> (e. g. Dt. 31:28 etc.). In addition, God appears as the witness to the treaty between Laban and Jacob (Gen. 31:50). These examples show that the function of the gods in Sf is similar to that of God in the OT. There was a traditional thought in Ancient Orient that the transgressors of the treaties were cursed and doomed to extinction by the treaty-gods. A similar type of curses appears in stele IA lines 14-35, in which <i>Hadad</i> plays quite an important role and most curses are closely related with his character as the storm-god. Furthermore, it was essential that the gods themselves conclude the treaty, which means, they were not only witnesses but also parties to the treaty. The following verbal usages are discussed in detail here: <i>sym</i> and <i>nsr</i>. Frequent appearances of the expression '<i>lhy</i> <i>&lsquo;dy&rsquo;</i> or <i>&lsquo;treaty-gods&rsquo;</i> emphasize the inseparable connection of Sf with the OT and Ugaritic Literature. My final conclusion is: although there may be no direct borrowings on the part of the OT from Sf, the covenant thought in the OT and the treaty thought in Sf are closely related each other.

著者

守屋 彰夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.2, pp.38-54, 1982 (Released:2010-03-12)

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To define the correlation of ‘treaty’ with ‘covenant’, the functions of the gods in the Aramaic Inscriptions from Sefire (Sf) are investigated from the religious-historical point of view. It is stated in stele IA lines 7-14 that this treaty was concluded in the Presence of the gods of the contracting parties and the names of the gods as witnesses are listed. In the first half of these lines (11. 7-10) the gods of KTK, an unknown city or territory, are enumerated in pairs, showing clearly the influence of the Babylonian pantheon. The construction of these lines suggests that the Babylonian culture exerted a remarkable influence on KTK. The latter part of the same enumeration lists the gods in Arpad as witnesses (11. 10-12). There both western semitic gods, such as Hadad, 'El and 'Elyon, and natural phenomena were worshipped. Unlike the former enumeration, there is no pair consisting of a god and his consort. To enumerate gods as witnesses in such a way was very prevalent in the Ancient Near Eastern traditions. In Sf natural phenomena were adored as well as gods, but in the OT phenomena listed were limited to only heaven and earth (e. g. Dt. 31:28 etc.). In addition, God appears as the witness to the treaty between Laban and Jacob (Gen. 31:50). These examples show that the function of the gods in Sf is similar to that of God in the OT. There was a traditional thought in Ancient Orient that the transgressors of the treaties were cursed and doomed to extinction by the treaty-gods. A similar type of curses appears in stele IA lines 14-35, in which Hadad plays quite an important role and most curses are closely related with his character as the storm-god. Furthermore, it was essential that the gods themselves conclude the treaty, which means, they were not only witnesses but also parties to the treaty. The following verbal usages are discussed in detail here: sym and nsr. Frequent appearances of the expression 'lhy ‘dy’ or ‘treaty-gods’ emphasize the inseparable connection of Sf with the OT and Ugaritic Literature. My final conclusion is: although there may be no direct borrowings on the part of the OT from Sf, the covenant thought in the OT and the treaty thought in Sf are closely related each other.

著者

守屋 彰夫

出版者

東京女子大学

雑誌

東京女子大学比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, pp.47-68, 1998

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Studies in ancient epistolography have been systematically undertaken since a conference on ancient letter writing at the annual convention of the Society of Biblical Literature held in 1973. Along with this current, various projects have shed light on the epistolary features of letters written in Hebrew, Aramaic, Ugaritic, Akkadian, Egyptian, Greek, and Latin. As a result, above all, Aramaic letters in Achaemenian Persian period, almost all of which were found in Egypt, have been verified to have extensive common characteristics with Akkadian letters exchanged in the preceding centuries in Assyria and Babylonia. Some scholars insist, however, that numerous traits of the Aramaic private letters are derived from Egyptian letter formulae, and this position was dominant in the beginning of 1980s. However F.M. Fales raised an objection to this perception in 1987. In his opinion, almost all the traits found in the Aramaic private letters, to say nothing of official ones, evolved from Akkadian usages. The problem challenges us to come up with an explanation. A succinct history of letter writing is presented in the first part of this article, beginning with Sumerian and continuing up to the Imperial Aramaic period. In the second part, the observation focuses on how epistolary formulae were carefully learned at scribe-training schools in Sumer and Akkad and how they gradually became completely fixed. Every generation accepted the fixed wording as a model and transmitted to following generations. Thus, the traditional epistolary formulae in Sumerian and Akkadian languages reached Aramaic speaking people in Egypt ruled by the Achaemenian Empire notwithstanding geographical and temporal remoteness. In the third part, the derivation of the opening clauses, the temple greeting, the blessing formula, and so on, attested in the Aramaic letters are examined. In the conclusion it is claimed that quite a few of the formulae except for the temple greeting might go back to an epistolary tradition found in the official correspondence of the Assyrian and Babylonian empires. The temple greeting alone might owe a debt to the Egyptian style. In sum, the Aramaic private letters as well as official ones were deeply influenced by the preceding Akkadian tradition as pointed out by Fales.

著者

守屋 彰夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.130-142, 1995-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

守屋 彰夫 佐藤 研 秦 剛平 月本 昭男 山我 哲雄

出版者

東京女子大学

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

2010

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ヘブライ語聖書の第2 区分であるネヴィイーム(預言者)に属する 8つの書物(ヨシュア記、士師記、サムエル記、列王記、イザヤ書、エレミヤ書、エゼキエル書、十二小預言書)の本文生成過程を、主として死海文書資料、七十人訳ギリシア語聖書との照応関係と乖離・不整合に関する比較研究を通して、紀元前 3 世紀以降、紀元後 1 世紀に亘る期間について追究し、現在の欧米の学界での成果に迫る基本的理解を得ることが出来た。