著者

松村 昌廣

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

人間文化研究 (ISSN:21889031)

巻号頁・発行日

no.4, pp.123-138, 2016-02-26

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This study will explore the relevance of the so-called Prime Directive as found in Star Trek, a very popular U.S. T.V. science fiction drama, for comparative political and area studies, with a major focus on the application of it to advanced Western modern states' intervention in the developing world after multi-ethnic empires. The paper will elucidate the directive, followed by an interim definition of "advancedness" and "backwardedness". The analytical focus will be placed on why such intervention will cause unexpected and undesired resultants that will further lead to intractable complication and entanglement later. Then the work will argue for the wisdom of "divide and rule" and warn of being driven by moralized commitment to intruding as modernizer and to missionary zeal to interfere as democratizer.

著者

松村 昌廣

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学経済経営論集 = ST.ANDREW'S UNIVERSITY ECONOMIC AND BUSINESS REVIEW (ISSN:02869721)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.3, pp.13-32, 2019-01-17

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On December 28, 2015, the Japanese and the South Korean governmentsreached the final and irreversible agreement on “comfort women” issuesafter a protracted diplomatic deadlock. This had impeded not only the twocountries’ bilateral security cooperation but also closer U.S.-Japan-SouthKorea trilateral security cooperation. To remove the impediment, theBarak Obama administration forcefully intervened in the Japan-SouthKorea deadlock.This study will first discuss the circumstances of severe politicization ofthe “comfort women” issues in Japan and South Korea and PresidentObama’s moves as related to the issues. Second, the study will analyzeunderling U.S. strategic interests and Obama’s political stakes behind hismoves. Third, given that the Obama administration did not produce anypolicy document on the issues, the analytical focus will be placed on twopolicy papers of major independent think-tanks that seemed to have shapedhis policy on the issues. Last, based on the total analysis, the study willconjecture near-future Japan-South Korea relations and the prospect forbilateral security cooperation.

著者

松村 昌廣

出版者

国際安全保障学会

雑誌

国際安全保障 (ISSN:13467573)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.3, pp.17-37, 2003-12-31 (Released:2022-04-24)

著者

松村 昌廣

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学経済経営論集 = St. Andrew's University economic and business review (ISSN:02869721)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.3, pp.131-152, 2016-03-03

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This study will analyze a libertarian approach to post-Lehman emergency lending in accordance with Federal Reserve rescue authority,with a major focus on the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act of 2010. The analysis will attach its attention to the evolving political context in which the U.S. domestic political discourse has been influenced increasingly by libertarianism, involving the rise of populist movements such as the "TEA (Tax Enough Already)" Party. This paper will first begin with a standard account on libertarianism as a major current of American political philosophy, which is rather unfamiliar to Japanese students in the field. Second, the analytical focus will be placed on an overview on the unique features of the Federal Reserve Board system as central bank, followed by a libertarian understanding on where the system stands in the context of the U.S. political economy. Third, this work will highlight the Dodd-Frank Act that is intended to prevent the Federal Reserve Banks from repeating massive discretional emergency lending to major insolvent banks as found in the post-Lehman financial crisis management. Fourth, the paper will identify the Act's major existing pitfalls that could enable to repeat such discretionary lending, followed by a set of policy proposals aimed to remove those pitfalls. The study will be designed to facilitate understanding the ongoing debate on the post-Lehman financial reforms, emphasizing the central importance of libertarian perspectives that reveal the exploitative nature of the finance-centered U.S. socio-political regime as the basis of the U.S. global economic hegemony.

著者

松村 昌廣

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山法学 (ISSN:13481312)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.51-81, 2012-03-26

著者

松村 昌廣

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学経済経営論集 (ISSN:02869721)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.3, pp.131-152, 2016-03-03

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This study will analyze a libertarian approach to post-Lehman emergency lending in accordance with Federal Reserve rescue authority,with a major focus on the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act of 2010. The analysis will attach its attention to the evolving political context in which the U.S. domestic political discourse has been influenced increasingly by libertarianism, involving the rise of populist movements such as the "TEA (Tax Enough Already)" Party. This paper will first begin with a standard account on libertarianism as a major current of American political philosophy, which is rather unfamiliar to Japanese students in the field. Second, the analytical focus will be placed on an overview on the unique features of the Federal Reserve Board system as central bank, followed by a libertarian understanding on where the system stands in the context of the U.S. political economy. Third, this work will highlight the Dodd-Frank Act that is intended to prevent the Federal Reserve Banks from repeating massive discretional emergency lending to major insolvent banks as found in the post-Lehman financial crisis management. Fourth, the paper will identify the Act's major existing pitfalls that could enable to repeat such discretionary lending, followed by a set of policy proposals aimed to remove those pitfalls. The study will be designed to facilitate understanding the ongoing debate on the post-Lehman financial reforms, emphasizing the central importance of libertarian perspectives that reveal the exploitative nature of the finance-centered U.S. socio-political regime as the basis of the U.S. global economic hegemony.

著者

松村 昌廣 Masahiro Matsumura

雑誌

桃山法学 = St. Andrew's University Law Review (ISSN:13481312)

巻号頁・発行日

no.14, pp.1-21, 2009-11-30

著者

松村 昌廣 Masahiro Matsumura 桃山学院大学法学部

雑誌

桃山法学 = St. Andrew's University Law Review (ISSN:13481312)

巻号頁・発行日

no.15, pp.35-53, 2010-03-25

著者

松村 昌廣

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学経済経営論集 = ST.ANDREW'S UNIVERSITY ECONOMIC AND BUSINESS REVIEW (ISSN:02869721)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.17-45, 2018-07-30

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Amid increasing North Korea’s military threat, South Korea hascontinually taken anti-Japan policy primarily on the pretext of historyissues. This behavior is paradoxical given the strong need to buttress itsnational security through foreign and security policy cooperation withJapan, or to push forward a “quasi-alliance” with the country on the basis ofthe two separate U.S-South Korea and U.S.-Japan alliances. This study is anattempt to grasp why the anti-Japan policy has been put on priority.The study will first present a comparative analysis of South Korean anti-Japan and Taiwanese pro-Japan popular sentiments as basic driver of theirgovernments’ corresponding policies. Then, the analysis will argue thatinternal security consideration has in fact overridden the imperatives ofexternal security consideration. The analytical focus will be placed on theorthodoxy and legitimacy of the South Korean state and individualgovernments in contrast to those of Taiwan, leading to understanding thepivotal importance for the former to preserve national identity as the lastbastion of national security at the very critical moment of external andinternal crises.The study will conclude that, given the current combination of externaland internal conditions, South Korea will most probably have continualresort to anti-Japan policy in the foreseeable future. This will necessitateJapan to not seek active and stable foreign and security policy cooperationwith South Korea but mere good neighborliness that is based on commonstrategic interests. Thus, Japan has to lower expectation and to fine-tuneits South Korea policy accordingly.

著者

松村 昌廣

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学経済経営論集 (ISSN:02869721)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.4, pp.155-171, 2016-03-22

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With the November 2015 Paris attack, Islamic terrorist threat has increasingly become acute and severe. The major powers, especially Western liberal democracies, seem to have made a decisive shift at last toward hard line policy involving the use of armed force and other coercive law enforcement measures against the terrorists. This shift is overdue given a series of large-scale acts of Islamic terrorism including the September 11 attacks on the U.S., the 2004 Madrid train bombings, and the July 2005 London bombings. Cultural relativism has long hindered liberal democracies from taking timely counter-measures, on the ground that the dominant idea is politically correct in liberal democratic discourse on inviolable human rights and, as its corollary, firm commitment to tolerating societal diversity. The idea retarded swift implementation of anti-terrorist counter-measures, while requiring due respect to the freedom of religion of ordinary moderate Moslem minorities in liberal democracies. To meet Islamic terrorist challenges, this article is intended to eliminate intellectual confusion on the limited political relevance of cultural relativism in liberal democracy, arguing for the central importance of the separation of church and state and secularized political culture that is indispensable to maintaining the separation. The analysis will identify Islamic terrorists, who reject the separation, as a mortal enemy of liberal democracy, against which relentless suppression and oppression is essential.

著者

松村 昌廣

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学社会学論集 (ISSN:02876647)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.2, pp.95-110, 2011-03-28

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With President G.W. Bush's strong confidence, Vice President Dick Cheney (2001-2009) exerted dominant influence on the administration's major policy decisions. In conjunction with the litigation of the Government Accounting Office versus Cheney concerning declassification of records of a presidential commission, the National Energy Policy Development, which he chaired, the Office of Vice President claimed that no law and executive directive on declassitication of executive information apply to a vice president; this is on the ground that they do not apply to the legislative branch, and that the vice presidency as Chairman of the Senate is part of the branch. This paper will first analyze the constitutional, statutory and other existing positions and roles of the contemporary U.S. vice presidency, and then examine some major pros and cons of them under separation of powers. Based on the findings, the author will discuss preliminarily about what roles a vice president should play.

著者

松村 昌廣

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学社会学論集 (ISSN:02876647)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.2, pp.37-51, 1999-01-30

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As a part of my research on "The U. S.-Japan Alliance and Military High Technology", this study will focus on the FSX codevelopment projects in the light of a renewed U. S.-Japan armament game. The analysis will highlight on the U. S. dilemma, between competitive interdependence and techno-nationalism, in deciding a policy toward the techno-industrial Japa-nese power, The work will examine the dynamics of technological dovelopment, with focus on why and how the Bush Administration resorted in vain to both economic statecraft and bargaining approaches, while ignoring the prevailing realities of competitive interdependece in international relations. The analysis will also serve to delineate a series of political constraints imposed by the politics of military and dual-use technologies. (This article was a part of work oringinally presented at the Northeast International Studies Association conference in Philadelphia, November 14-16, 1991)

著者

松村 昌廣 Masahiro Matsumura 桃山学院大学法学部

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山法学 = St. Andrew's University Law Review (ISSN:13481312)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.87-102, 2011-03-15

著者

松村 昌廣

出版者

国際安全保障学会

雑誌

国際安全保障 (ISSN:13467573)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.2, pp.77-92, 2001-09-30 (Released:2022-04-28)

著者

松村 昌廣 Masahiro Matsumura

雑誌

桃山法学 = St. Andrew's University Law Review (ISSN:13481312)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.87-102, 2011-03-15

著者

松村 昌廣 Masahiro Matsumura

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学総合研究所紀要 = St. Andrew's University bulletin of the Research Institute (ISSN:1346048X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.47-55, 2008-06

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On January 12, the divided Japanese Diet finally enacted a legislative measure that authorised the Fukuda administration to restart replenishment support for the US-led maritime interdiction operation in the Indian Ocean. Earlier, in the Upper House, the leading opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) and other mini-parties together voted down the already passed House bill with a simple majority. Subsequently, in the Lower House, the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the Komei Party resorted to their two-third majority to override the Upper House decision.During the impasse of five and a half months since then-Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's crushing defeat in the July 2007 Upper House election, the issue of replenishment support continued to represent the major focal point of the political power struggle in Tokyo. This prolonged impasse revealed that the battle between both the LDP and the DPJ was devoid of any ideological divide, a state of affairs that did not sharpen the national debate at all. Worse, it also suggested that neither party had more than a handful of competent next-generation leaders to constitute an effective power nucleus in decade to come.Accustomed to a one-party-dominated system over several decades, both LDP and DPJ leaders are afraid of legislative stalemates and popular distrust of their respective parties. As the result, the confrontation between both parties has continued. LDP leaders are reluctant to accelerate and intensify the current partisan strife, even though doing so would vindicate their policy positions and thereby benefit them in the coming national election. Further, the LDP leadership is not ready to take a full advantage of the Constitutional rules for steering the Diet, while the DPJ counterparts remain opportunistic.Although the Japanese public remains highly skeptical of the inexperienced DPJ that has been incapable to present effective policy alternatives, the LDP under Fukuda is drifting because the Prime Minister is only an excellent manager, but neither an innovator nor a risk-taker who is able to carry out a systemic overhaul, ranging from a resolution to the hung Diet, to the attainment of political leadership over bureaucrats, and to policy innovations on issues that various policy strategists have already proposed.The current Japan's current political stasis awaits a big bang that will bring competent nextgeneration leaders into the power nucleus. This is unlikely to be expected from the existing parties, but possibly feasible either through a reformed LDP or an evolved DPJ, or even a new party to be born out of a reorganization of the two parties along ideological lines. The good news is that we already know the prescription for a more proactive and prosperous Japan. The bad news is that time is running out when rapidly changing international security and economic conditions require Japan to respond promptly and offer visionary leadership.

著者

松村 昌廣 Masahiro Matsumura

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山法学 (ISSN:13481312)

巻号頁・発行日

no.7, pp.295-312, 2006-03

著者

松村 昌廣 Masahiro Matsumura

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山法学 (ISSN:13481312)

巻号頁・発行日

no.1, pp.235-297, 2003-03

著者

松村 昌廣 Masahiro Matsumura

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学総合研究所紀要 (ISSN:1346048X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.27-45, 2008-06

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Over the last two decades or so, the People's Republic of China has sustained very high economic growth rates. China is now a significant international factor for Japan's economic performance, given that Japan's bilateral trade with China has surpassed that with the United States, at least in volume.This study analyzes the widening multifaceted structural imbalances and other contradictions that have resulted from China's unidimensional growth, with a major focus on domestic and international political challenges that have been posed to the developmental dictatorship under the Chinese Communist Party. This analysis is followed by a preliminary discussion on the durability of the current regime under deepening socio-economic contradictions, and on its external policies, in the light of these two variables' dynamic interactions.Through the editing and translation of a series of this author's op-ed essays, published in English elsewhere, this work will take an interdisciplinary, comprehensive approach to the contemporary Chinese political economy, including many important issues such as Taiwan independence/unification and Japan's history debate.