著者

江藤 隆之

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山法学 = St. Andrew's University Law Review (ISSN:13481312)

巻号頁・発行日

no.33, pp.41-119, 2020-10-14

著者

藤間 真 Makoto TOHMA 桃山学院大学経営学部

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学環太平洋圏経営研究 = St. Andrew's University Pan-Pacific Business Review (ISSN:13455214)

巻号頁・発行日

no.9, pp.213-229, 2008-03-25

著者

小林 信彦 Nobuhiko Kobayashi

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.37, pp.149-203, 2009-10

著者

松村 昌廣

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学経済経営論集 = ST.ANDREW'S UNIVERSITY ECONOMIC AND BUSINESS REVIEW (ISSN:02869721)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.3, pp.13-32, 2019-01-17

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On December 28, 2015, the Japanese and the South Korean governmentsreached the final and irreversible agreement on “comfort women” issuesafter a protracted diplomatic deadlock. This had impeded not only the twocountries’ bilateral security cooperation but also closer U.S.-Japan-SouthKorea trilateral security cooperation. To remove the impediment, theBarak Obama administration forcefully intervened in the Japan-SouthKorea deadlock.This study will first discuss the circumstances of severe politicization ofthe “comfort women” issues in Japan and South Korea and PresidentObama’s moves as related to the issues. Second, the study will analyzeunderling U.S. strategic interests and Obama’s political stakes behind hismoves. Third, given that the Obama administration did not produce anypolicy document on the issues, the analytical focus will be placed on twopolicy papers of major independent think-tanks that seemed to have shapedhis policy on the issues. Last, based on the total analysis, the study willconjecture near-future Japan-South Korea relations and the prospect forbilateral security cooperation.

著者

青野 正明 Masaaki Aono

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学総合研究所紀要 (ISSN:1346048X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.3, pp.285-306, 2008-03

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When the Japanese Government-General of Korea began carrying out its Rural Promotion Movement in the first half of the 1930s, one of the Movement's key elements was the agriculture-first ideology of "Nohonshugi ". In this paper I focus on one of the more spiritualistic aspects of that ideology, "Piety and Ancestor Worship" (敬神崇祖). From it, the official leadership of Korea's agricultural villages became aware of the need for a tool to strengthen village cohesiveness. I suggest that the officially-sponsored system of village rites, a means of strengthening social control in the villages, grew out of this awareness.Throwing light on such hitherto neglected facts as these will help clarify the Japanese colonial government's shrine policy during these years, and is therefore a significant focus of research.

著者

松澤 俊二

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

人間文化研究 = Journal of humanities research, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:21889031)

巻号頁・発行日

no.13, pp.35-57, 2020-10

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Sakai City, Osaka Prefecture is the birthplace of Akiko Yosano. Akiko isnow considered to be a symbol of the local identity, and many commemorative events are held. However, before the war, Akiko was also recognized asa "bad girl" and was not always welcomed by the people of Sakai.The focus of this paper is on how Akiko was remembered by the local people after the war. In particular, this point will be made clear by variousawards activities held in Sakai, such as making monuments and memorials,and examining their performances. Then, the transformation and variety ofAkiko's image are also shown. It also discusses the important significanceof the region remembering Akiko.

著者

村瀬 寿代 Hisayo Murase

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学キリスト教論集 (ISSN:0286973X)

巻号頁・発行日

no.36, pp.63-94, 2000-03

著者

藤森 かよ子 Kayoko Fujimori

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

英米評論 (ISSN:09170200)

巻号頁・発行日

no.24, pp.115-136[含 英語文要旨], 2010-03

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This paper aims to demonstrate the logical affinity between gender feminists and Libertarians by clarifying and reconsidering the exact connotation of "gender." Now it is a common knowledge to distinguish sex as the biological state of being male and female from "gender" as the socially and culturally constructed state of being male or female. However, by the end of 1990s, as Joan Wallach Scott says in the preface to the revised edition of Gender and the Politics of History, "gender" in generally accepted usage had become something quite different from what it really means. Some regard "gender" as a synonym for the differences between the sexes. Some think that "gender" denotes the social rules imposed on men and women. Some misunderstand that gender feminists aim to eliminate the difference between men and women. Some warn that gender feminists attack manhood, womanhood, masculinity, femininity, fatherhood, motherhood, heterosexuality, marriages and family values. These misinterpretations are caused by their failure to grasp the exact meaning of gender concept. The earliest meanings of "gender" were "kind," "sort" and "type or class of noun." Since the 14th century the word gender has been used as a grammatical term, referring to the classes of nouns and pronouns in Latin, French, Greek, German, Russian and other languages designated as masculine, feminine, neuter and common. In other words, "gender" is a way to recognize things by classifying them. We cannot see innumerable things as they are. To categorize them to classes according to shape, size, color and other distinctions is the first step for human beings to perceive the world. However, this perception is a judgment based on an illusion. In fact, properties, numbers and sets are merely features of the way of considering the things that exist. Only particular, individual objects exist. To classify things never leads us to know them, since we cannot have a true appreciation of all attributes that an individual thing has. Thus we can safely say as follows : Once you know that gender is "the knowledge that establishes meanings for bodily difference," we are necessarily induced to accept nominalism that universals or general ideas are mere names or inventions without any corresponding reality. That's why gender feminists have been resisting the consolidation of women into homogeneous categories. Such gender feminists are destined to become Libertarians. Libertarianism has a greater affinity for a nominalistic view about human existence than any other political thoughts, since it advocates the maximization of individual liberty in thought and action. Libertarians are committed to the belief that individuals, and not states or groups of any other kind, are both ontologically and normatively primary. All schools of Libertarianism take a skeptical view of "the common good," though they embrace viewpoints across a political spectrum, ranging from pro-property to anti-property (sometimes phrased as "right" versus "left"), from minarchist to openly anarchist. Libertarians share the notion that "the common good of a collective-a race, a class, a state-was the claim and justification of every tyranny ever established over men," as Ayn Rand, one of representative Libertarian thinkers, says in The Fountainhead, her novel. This is why Libertarians hold that activities such as drug use and prostitution that arguably harm no one but the participants should not be illegal ; people are free to choose to live any kind of life on their own risks on condition that their activities never violate other people's rights. Thus gender /Libertarian feminists refuse the general, collective image of women as victims and the oppressed. They seek to celebrate or protect the individual woman. They encourage women to take full responsibility for their own lives. They also oppose any government interference into the choices adults make with their own bodies, because they contend that such interference creates a coercive hierarchy and suppresses the individual woman.

著者

高村 幸典 大島 一二

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学経済経営論集 = ST.ANDREW'S UNIVERSITY ECONOMIC AND BUSINESS REVIEW (ISSN:02869721)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1, pp.97-113, 2022-07-28

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As global environmental issues are attracting attention, EVs aregenerally considered to play a major role as a zero carbon solution becausethey do not emit carbon dioxide when they run.However, the environmental impact of EVs cannot be ignored from thestandpoint of the electricity they use when driving, and this point has alsobeen attracting attention in recent years. In other words, the use ofelectricity supplied by fossil fuel power generation, as typified by coal-firedpower generation, is not only ineffective in terms of environmental impact,but may even have a negative impact. Therefore, it is necessary to fullyconsider whether EVs can make a significant contribution to environmentalmeasures when the environmental impact of EVs is considered as a whole.In this paper, we would like to compare the life cycle assessment (LCA)of EVs and gasoline-powered vehicles to comprehensively determine theirenvironmental advantages.In other words, the purpose is to discuss the overall environmentaladvantages of EVs and gasoline-powered vehicles by comparing theenvironmental impacts of EVs and gasoline-powered vehicles in allprocesses of their sequence of flow, including procurement of rawmaterials, manufacture of parts and finished vehicles, delivery, sales, after-sales service, and disposal.

著者

沼田 健哉 Kenya Numata

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学社会学論集 = ST. ANDREW'S UNIVERSITY SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW (ISSN:02876647)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.2, pp.81-112, 1990-12-25

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The Institute for Research in Human Happiness is a sociaty of people researching the principles of human happiness. From the "private happiness" of each individual to the "public happiness" of the whole society and the whole world-this serve as a slogan for those gathered at the Institute. They hold that there are four principles of happiness: "love", "knowledge", "reflection" and "development". They have established a clear over-view of the universe. The world we are living in is not simply divided into the physical world and the spiritual world, but is involved in a multi-dimensional and high-dimensional universe. They are determined to initiate a salvation project throughout the world with Japan as its center.

著者

沼田 健哉 Kenya Numata

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学社会学論集 (ISSN:02876647)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.2, pp.p149-186, 1978-03

著者

沼田 健哉 Kenya Numata

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学社会学論集 = ST. ANDREW'S UNIVERSITY SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW (ISSN:02876647)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.2, pp.97-117, 1989-03-20

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In this paper I reviewed the studies of rumor published in Japan and abroad. The conditions of occurrence and spread of rumor, transformation of content of rumor, and the life cycle of rumor were considered. Rumor occurs when people are set in ambiguous situation. Psychologists assert that rumor is the projection of the motive or the sentiment of the people. Sociologists assent that rumor is the product of collective behavior, the interpretation of the situation by the people. But it is necessary to integrate these two approachs. It is often said that rumor is false information. But, if it is false, why people believe and communicate it to others? I think rumor is not false information, but necessary one. It presents reality which is different from those presented by the mass media. Rumor is unverified or unofficial information. When people need information and if they are not given official information, rumor occurs. And it also occurs when people don't believe official information. Rumor is the oldest medium of the mankind and it can not be rooted out as long as people talk with each other.

著者

藤森 かよこ Kayoko Fujimori 桃山学院大学文学部

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

英米評論 (ISSN:09170200)

巻号頁・発行日

no.21, pp.55-82[含 英語文要旨], 2007-03

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What is called "American feminism" in this article means liberal feminismor radical feminism. Many critics, especially French ones such as ElizabethBadinter and Emmanuel Todd, underestimate American feminism in the pointthat its pro-violence tendency hinders feminism from its mature developmentand further prevalence. This article does not share their view. As explainedlater, the pro-violence attitude of American feminism might be able to present aprototype of "a citizen of the world" in the coming (?) borderless, post-nationstatesworld promoted by globalization. Here "globalization" does not mean thelatest stage of American imperialism. Here globalization is "the process of increasinginterconnectedness between societies such that events in one part ofthe world more and more have effects on peoples and societies far away."It is true that not a few of American feminists regard violence as one of theiroptions to protect themselves. American radical feminists such as Naomi Wolfand D. A. Clarke assert that women should not hesitate to counterattack againstdomestic violence and other sexual violence. Paxton Quigley recommendswomen's owing guns against crimes. Martha McCaughey, a physical feminist, advocateswomen's going into training in martial arts for self-defense. The NationalOrganization for Women (NOW), which is a representative of liberal feminists inUSA, is positive about woman soldiers' service in war battles for national defense.Yet they are not especially pro-violent, because their attitude is necessarilyresulted from American core values.Some American feminists regard their position as "militia" or contemporarycitizen soldiers. Militia is a military force that engages in a rebel or terrorist activitiesin opposition to a regular army. Militiamen, ordinary people with theirown guns used for their hunting for food (never for pleasure) won the victory inthe American War of Independence, though some researches say that it is nothingbut a myth, not a historical fact. Myth or fact, in this point, militia symbolizesAmerican core values : freedom, independence, individualism, equality and democracy.Once American people feel that their "unalienable Rights, that amongthese are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness" are threatened by others,governments or any organizations or individuals, they might be ready to use theirown weapons. Weapon ownership is a key aspect of citizenship under democraticgovernment for some American people. They believe that the Constitution ofthe United States of America supports their view.Certainly Amendment 2 of Bill of Rights enacted in 1791 says "A well regulatedMilitia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the peopleto keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed." The survey of ABC News in2002 shows that seventy three percent of the American citizens think thatAmendment 2 guarantees their right to keep and bear weapons for self defense.American people against gun control are not only what antigun critics call "gunenthusiasts." According to one research, gun owners believe that society is aviolent place; so they prepare for the possibility of doing violence themselves ;they view this position to be the most responsible one they have to take in relationto their own safety ; they are also aware that many oppressive governmentsdo not permit firearms to be owned by the general people, because gun ownershipcan potentially threaten the government through a citizens' revolt. SomeAmerican feminists share this view with gun owners.This article does not mean that American feminists' pro violence attitudeshould be positively considered because their views are resulted from Americancore values. Even if American feminists regard themselves as militiawomen,contemporary citizen soldiers, such kind of attitude can be called caricatural.There is a hypothesis that the peripheral members in a given society try to moreradically embody the society's most sweeping ideologies than the central members.American feminists who try to be regular citizens, never "second citizens",may be more stimulated to achieve American core values as completely as possible.We should notice that this kind of caricatural American feminists providesus with a prototype of a citizen of the coming world developed by globalization,where order in world politics emerges not from a balance of power among nationstatesbut from the interactions between many layers of governing arrangements.Nation-states demand its constituency to be subject to their policies andlaws, and in exchange for its subordination, they are supposed to offer their peoplebenefits and protection. But history has been showing the examples thatnation-states could be the worst oppressor and violator for people. However,globlization might permit people to traffic the many layers of governing institutions,depending on their own needs and profits. Then, nation-states will be ableto be optional, not fatal.The political philosophy of the coming, globalized world is the most radicalform of republicanism, also called civic humanism. The coming world might beable to be the most expanded republic, a new world order governed by and forthe people. Then, people will not be able to rely on nation-states as their protectors,if people don't want state interference. In other words, future citizens ofthe world must be ready to be citizen soldiers, caricatured form of militia,"American feminists." As citizens of a republic, American feminists who premisethat they can't trust the government and its agents, do not invite the state to beresponsible for their safety, even though dependency is so seductive.Some people wonder if such a world can be the greatest prison, the mostelaborate "Matrix" controlled by invisible power. Whether the biggest republic,the new world order may be utopian dystopian, a pro-violent, pro-counterattackAmerican feminist is a prototype of a citizen of the post-nation-states world.

著者

江藤 隆之

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山法学 = St. Andrew's University Law Review (ISSN:13481312)

巻号頁・発行日

no.26, pp.1-49, 2017-03-10

著者

野尻 亘 Wataru Nojiri

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学社会学論集 (ISSN:02876647)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.2, pp.63-94[含 英語文要旨], 2011-03

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Strucuturation theory deals with relation between individual action (agency) and social structure. Giddens objects to the lack of temporality in traditional strucuturalism. From the aggregate perspective of how social forms and institutions are produced and reproduced, the lack of a time-space framework has been detrimental to deeper analysis of central problems in social theory and human practice. Structure consists of rules and resources enabling reproduction of activities of next generation. Giddens looks upon structure which is perpetuated and modified as a result of human agency. In time-geography, human agency must be seen contextually as a continuous flow of conduct situated in time and space, yet with the places of activity resulting from institutions (home, work and school etc.) which reflect structure. Time-geography outlines some components of historically specific, non-fragmented contextual theory of human action stressing practical reason and concrete interaction in time and space. This is part of an argument for a reconstructed new regional geography, building on the traditional, but having theoretical and emancipatory aims. The interest of time-geography to theory of structuration is surely evident. Time-geography is concerned with the infrastrucutual constraints that shape the routines of everyday life and shares with structurtation theory, an emphasis upon the significance of practical character of daily activities, in circumstances where individuals are co-present with one another, for constitution of social conduct.

著者

江藤 隆之

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山法学 = St. Andrew's University Law Review (ISSN:13481312)

巻号頁・発行日

no.29, pp.21-67, 2018-10-01

著者

Billingsley Philip 桃山学院大学文学部

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.5, pp.p35-65, 1993-09

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It is not generally known that the Russian anarchist Bakunin's successful escape from Siberia in 1861 was a side-result of the ending of Japan's 250-year policy of seclusion. Even Bakunin's biographers have been able to find out little about the facts of his two-week stay in Hakodate and Yokohama, partly because of the lack of materials, partly because Bakunin himself seems to have been less than impressed by what he found there. The present paper, using some of the scattered Japanese-language sources presently available, seeks to throw some preliminary light on the facts of this little-known episode. After first setting out the sociopolitical background, I explain briefly the events that led Bakunin into Siberian exile and thence into his unprecedented escape across the Pacific. The third and fourth sections, using contemporary travellers' accounts (among them people who actually made acquaintance with Bakunin), sets out the conditions that must have greeted the fugitive after his arrival in Yokohama, hazards some guesses about how he must have spent his time there, and sketches his adventures en route back to England via San Francisco and New York. In conclusion, I point out that, as a man whose mission in life was the overthrow of the traditional European ruling class, Bakunin was hardly likely to have considered Japan, a place which had yet to register itself upon the Western imagination, as more than a stepping-stone on his way home. His refusal to write his memoirs of his sojourn in the country make this point abundantly clear.

著者

小宮 京

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山法学 (ISSN:13481312)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.103-118, 2011-03

著者

江藤 隆之

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山法学 = St. Andrew's University Law Review (ISSN:13481312)

巻号頁・発行日

no.31, pp.127-142, 2019-10-07

著者

江藤 隆之

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山法学 = St. Andrew's University Law Review (ISSN:13481312)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, pp.57-86, 2023-02-27