著者

森下 嘉之

出版者

東欧史研究会

雑誌

東欧史研究 (ISSN:03866904)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, pp.20-42, 2015 (Released:2020-01-16)

著者

森下 嘉之

出版者

メトロポリタン史学会

雑誌

メトロポリタン史学 (ISSN:18807542)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.69-78, 2015-12

著者

森下 嘉之

出版者

日本西洋史学会

雑誌

西洋史学 (ISSN:03869253)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.236, pp.60, 2009 (Released:2022-04-21)

著者

森下 嘉之

出版者

東欧史研究会

雑誌

東欧史研究 (ISSN:03866904)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, pp.43-55, 2009 (Released:2019-04-14)

著者

武藤 真也子 森下 嘉之 石田 裕子 武藤 真也子

出版者

東欧史研究会

雑誌

東欧史研究 (ISSN:03866904)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, pp.104-129, 2005 (Released:2019-04-14)

著者

森下 嘉之

出版者

茨城大学人文社会科学部

雑誌

人文社会科学論集 = Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences

巻号頁・発行日

no.1, pp.237-247, 2022-02-25

著者

大津留 厚 柴 理子 桐生 裕子 野村 真理 家田 修 篠原 琢 佐藤 雪野 馬場 優 柴 宜弘 辻河 典子 森下 嘉之 飯尾 唯紀 村上 亮 ボシティアン ベルタラニチュ 米岡 大輔

出版者

神戸大学

雑誌

基盤研究(A)

巻号頁・発行日

2017-04-01

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1939年9月4日、アメリカ合衆国の週刊誌『タイム』はその前の週の9月1日にドイツ軍がポーランドに侵攻したのを受けて、「第二次世界大戦が始まった」と報じた。この時、「その前の戦争」が第一次世界大戦の名を与えられることになったと言える。その意味での第一次世界大戦が始まるきっかけになったのは、ハプスブルク家を君主とする諸領邦が最終的に名乗ったオーストリア=ハンガリーが、隣国セルビアに対して、ハプスブルク君主の継承者の暗殺の責を問うて宣戦を布告したことにあった。そしてその戦争を終えるための講和会議が開かれた時、すでにこの国は講和会議に代表される存在であることを止めていた。したがってこの戦争はこの国にとっては「最後の戦争」に他ならなかった。1914年からあるいはその前から始まった、ヨーロッパを主な戦場とする戦争を何と呼ぶのか、これがそれから100年経ったときに問われている。そして呼び方の問題はその戦争の継続した期間の捉え方と関係し、またその後の世界の把握の方法とも関係している。本科研ではセルビア共和国の代表的な現代史研究者ミラン・リストヴィッチ教授を招き、また研究代表者がウィーンで開催された1918年の持つ意味を再考するシンポジウムに参加して国際的な研究動向を踏まえながら、分担者がそれぞれ研究を進めてきた。その成果は2019年5月に静岡大学で開催される西洋史学会の小シンポジウムで発表されることになる。そこでは研究代表者が趣旨説明を行い、「国境の画定」、「制度的連続性と断絶」、「アイデンティティの変容」それぞれの班から報告が行われる。

著者

森下 嘉之

出版者

北海道大学スラブ研究センター

雑誌

スラヴ研究 (ISSN:05626579)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, pp.93-114, 2012-06-15

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Right after WWII, Eastern European countries stood at a crossroads, witnessing, to name but a couple, communization of the state and transfer of millions of ethnic minorities, most notably Germans. Postwar Czechoslovakia was no exception. Czechoslovakia had had three republican periods: the first republic from its independence in 1918 to the collapse in 1938, the second from 1938 to the Nazi occupation in 1939, and the third from 1945 to the beginning of Communist Party rule in 1948. The third republic in particular embraced many alternatives for future social policies, neither capitalistic nor communistic. Focusing on the housing policy from 1945 to 1948, this article aims to elucidate postwar Czechoslovakia's search for the optimum social policies, addressing the difference between the prewar and the postwar period. I also examine the policy of the transfer of the German population and the settlement of Czechs in the Czech border area, as it was against this backdrop that the new housing policy took form. While the last president of the first republic, Eduard Beneš, returned as president of the new Czechoslovakia, the Communist Party was dominant in the government. On the one hand, the new republic resembled its prewar predecessors in terms of parliamentary democracy. On the other hand, undertaking the nationalization of large enterprises, land reform, and a planned economy, the postwar government attempted to differentiate itself from the prewar regime that had resulted in the Nazi's invasion and the collapse of the state. The Communists as the largest group in the government could propose their own postwar reforms disposed not toward Soviet-type socialism, but toward "the Czechoslovakian way" or "the bridge between the East and the West." The highest on the agenda for postwar reconstruction was the housing policy. The postwar government launched a "two-year plan," the first planned economy for the reconstruction of Czechoslovakia. Notably, the government planned to build and supply 125,000 houses from 1947 to 1948. The government and architects worked in tandem to upgrade the poor prewar housing conditions by revising prewar housing laws. On the one hand, socialist parties and architects criticized the prewar liberalist housing market, exhorting the introduction of state control of the market. Some architects were enthusiastic about grand apartment buildings containing small houses as the socialist type of housing of the future. On the other hand, based on the housing law of 1921, the government decided to provide subsidies for family houses with 80 m2 of floor space, instead of 34 m2 as had been stipulated in 1937, with a view toward improving the housing environment. Moreover, the new government adhering to the Czechoslovakian way, neither liberalist nor socialist, even allowed private properties, while some architects influenced by Soviet architecture insisted on the entire socialization of houses and land. It is definitely necessary to contextualize the postwar Czechoslovakian housing policy in the removal of more than 2,000,000 Germans and the settlement of Czech people in the borderland (pohraniči). There, the "settlement office (Osidlovací úřad)" led by the Communist Party played a particularly essential role. The settlement office as well as the national board, which was also ruled by Communists, fulfilled the task of furnishing new Czech settlers with houses that had been expropriated from Germans and Hungarians as well as managing the housing market. The Communist Party had a good reason to expect support from those new settlers who could obtain huge properties, such as houses, thanks to the Communist policy. Despite the abundance of confiscated empty houses, this period did not see the solution to the housing problem, as the condition of these houses remained atrocious. Although the postwar housing policy held an opportunity to realize ideal plans for the future Czechoslovakia, it did not thrive due to the tough reality in the borderland. The policy and the ideal were consigned to oblivion after the establishment of the Communist regime in 1948.