著者

相内 真子

出版者

北海道浅井学園大学人間福祉学部北方圏生活福祉研究所

雑誌

北方圏生活福祉研究所年報 (ISSN:1342761X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.97-106, 2001

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クリントン路線の継続か,政権交代か。2000年11月に行われたアメリカ合衆国大統領選挙は,国内のみならず国際的にも多くの関心を集めた。投票用紙の不備と開票作業のトラブルに端を発した選挙結果の混乱は,実に35日間にわたってアメリカの次期大統領が決定しないという異例の事態を招いた。新大統領の決定は法廷の場に持ち込まれ,最終的な裁定を下したのは連邦最高裁判所である。これによって,「選挙人の獲得数で、勝ったものの, 得票数で負けた」史上3人目の大統領が誕生した。35日間にわたる党派的抗争とその結末は,国家のリーダーの選出に関わる様々な疑問をアメリカ市民と国際社会に投げかけた。The presidential election of the United States of America drew both national and internationalattention inNovember, 2000. The fallacious ballot form in one county and the incomplete vote count in another county in the Stateof Florida triggered a lengthy thirty-fiveday dispute over who would be the next president of the United States.Finally the US Supreme Court made a judgment, only to help legitimize a president who failed to win the popular vote.The process of the dispute, and its result, have posed a fundamental question to American citizens , as well as tointernational society, of how to decide who is to be a national leader.

著者

相内 真子

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, pp.89-112, 2003

著者

相内 真子

出版者

北翔大学

雑誌

人間福祉研究 (ISSN:13440039)

巻号頁・発行日

no.1, pp.85-100, 1998

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This paper explores the background of the changes in welfare policy in the United States, focusing on "Wisconsin Works," known as W-2, which is a culmination of the long-time tinkering of the welfare policy in the State of Wisconsin. Along with the federal law of "Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996" signed by President Bill Clinton, W-2 declared the end of the 61-year history of welfare as a cash benefit in the United States. Taking its place is a more market-oriented philosophy of "welfare-to-work," and the changed policy again pits the "safety net" advocates against the critics of the "perennial welfare dependency." The "welfare-to-work" sentiment has been permeating among advanced nations since the late 80s, and the policy change in the U.S. and Wisconsin is a manifestation to follow the global tendency towards a more incentive-oriented assistance than on income maintenance in terms of welfare. The question, however, is just as Neil Gilbert puts it, "whether the changing philosophy of social protection will lead to a society that is not only fairer but also gentle enough to permit an honorable dependence for its frailest members."This paper explores the background of the changes in welfare policy in the United States, focusing on "Wisconsin Works," known as W-2, which is a culmination of the long-time tinkering of the welfare policy in the State of Wisconsin. Along with the federal law of "Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996" signed by President Bill Clinton, W-2 declared the end of the 61-year history of welfare as a cash benefit in the United States. Taking its place is a more market-oriented philosophy of "welfare-to-work," and the changed policy again pits the "safety net" advocates against the critics of the "perennial welfare dependency." The "welfare-to-work" sentiment has been permeating among advanced nations since the late 80s, and the policy change in the U.S. and Wisconsin is a manifestation to follow the global tendency towards a more incentive-oriented assistance than on income maintenance in terms of welfare. The question, however, is just as Neil Gilbert puts it, "whether the changing philosophy of social protection will lead to a society that is not only fairer but also gentle enough to permit an honorable dependence for its frailest members."

著者

相内 真子

出版者

北翔大学

雑誌

人間福祉研究 = Human welfare studies (ISSN:13440039)

巻号頁・発行日

no.3, pp.81-94, 2000

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Since the late 1980s, more and more attention has been paid to gender as factor in electoral politics in the United States. Studies have shown that women and men differ in their policy preferences, policy priorities, candidate choices and so on. Thus in order to best represent women's interest in politics, more women run for political offices and more women activists and voters work hard for their electoral successes, although women have not yet achieved political parity with men. This paper explores how women as candidates, activists and voters could affect American politics through the electoral processes. The "gender effect," both positive and negative, is explored focusing on the past three elections of 1992, 94 and 96, and this paper explains why elections in the 1990s are "gendered," and how the so-called "gender gap" has come to have significance in American politics.Since the late 1980s, more and more attention has been paid to gender as factor in electoral politics in the United States. Studies have shown that women and men differ in their policy preferences, policy priorities, candidate choices and so on. Thus in order to best represent women's interest in politics, more women run for political offices and more women activists and voters work hard for their electoral successes, although women have not yet achieved political parity with men. This paper explores how women as candidates, activists and voters could affect American politics through the electoral processes. The "gender effect," both positive and negative, is explored focusing on the past three elections of 1992, 94 and 96, and this paper explains why elections in the 1990s are "gendered," and how the so-called "gender gap" has come to have significance in American politics.

著者

相内 真子

出版者

北海道大学法学部

雑誌

北大法学論集 (ISSN:03855953)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.5, pp.p1214-1176, 1993-03

著者

コンウェイ M.マーガレット パーリー マリアン・リーフ 相内 真子

出版者

北翔大学

雑誌

人間福祉研究 = Human welfare studies (ISSN:13440039)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.179-192, 2003-03-20

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This paper argues that women's leadership affects welfare policy-making in the United States. Referring to the function of the social security system as "a safety net" in the United States, this paper also clarifies the fact that more women than men are targeted for welfare services in American society since women live longer and are poorer than men. Women have been key players in the welfare policy-making process, both through joining social movements and through entering the legislative, executive and judicial branches in American government. Women's power, however, will be more effective when they comprise a considerable proportion in those branches. This paper also introduces a strategy that American women have employed to gain broader public and political support for welfare programs by avoiding being targeted as a population in need.This paper argues that women's leadership affects welfare policy-making in the United States. Referring to the function of the social security system as "a safety net" in the United States, this paper also clarifies the fact that more women than men are targeted for welfare services in American society since women live longer and are poorer than men. Women have been key players in the welfare policy-making process, both through joining social movements and through entering the legislative, executive and judicial branches in American government. Women's power, however, will be more effective when they comprise a considerable proportion in those branches. This paper also introduces a strategy that American women have employed to gain broader public and political support for welfare programs by avoiding being targeted as a population in need.

著者

相内 真子

出版者

北翔大学

雑誌

人間福祉研究 = Human welfare studies (ISSN:13440039)

巻号頁・発行日

no.4, pp.93-107, 2001

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In the latest election for the House of Representatives (Lower House) in June 2000, there were 202 women who ran, and 35 were elected. This was a record high, other than the 39 women who were elected soon after World War II under the old Constitution. Reflecting the spirit of the new law, "Basic Law for a Gender-Equal Society" in 1999, major political parties in Japan recruited more women than before for the election to show their support to women and to women's causes. Unlike in local level elections where many candidates tend to run as independents, Japanese political parties have power all through the electoral process, including the selection of their candidates in national level elections. The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), is a relatively new party founded in 1998 as a result of the amalgamation of some factions and the division of other parties. Although it is the largest opposition party against the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, which is conservative, the DPJ represents a wide spectrum of ideologies from liberal-conservative to very leftist. The party is still underway in unification, but lack of strong leadership somewhat works for incorporating aspiring groups such as women and the younger generation. This essay focuses on three women running as official candidates of the DPJ and tries to explore the role of the party through the examination of factors in their respective campaigns that led two DPJ women to success but another woman to failure.In the latest election for the House of Representatives (Lower House) in June 2000, there were 202 women who ran, and 35 were elected. This was a record high, other than the 39 women who were elected soon after World War II under the old Constitution. Reflecting the spirit of the new law, "Basic Law for a Gender-Equal Society" in 1999, major political parties in Japan recruited more women than before for the election to show their support to women and to women's causes. Unlike in local level elections where many candidates tend to run as independents, Japanese political parties have power all through the electoral process, including the selection of their candidates in national level elections. The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), is a relatively new party founded in 1998 as a result of the amalgamation of some factions and the division of other parties. Although it is the largest opposition party against the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, which is conservative, the DPJ represents a wide spectrum of ideologies from liberal-conservative to very leftist. The party is still underway in unification, but lack of strong leadership somewhat works for incorporating aspiring groups such as women and the younger generation. This essay focuses on three women running as official candidates of the DPJ and tries to explore the role of the party through the examination of factors in their respective campaigns that led two DPJ women to success but another woman to failure.