著者

丸山 眞男

出版者

Japanese Political Science Association

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.189-206, 1950-10-20 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

境家 史郎

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1, pp.1_236-1_255, 2013

被引用文献数

1

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In the late 1980s, Ikuo Kabashima empirically showed that uneducated voters in rural areas were more likely to participate in elections in postwar Japan unlike other developed democracies. He argued that this participation structure was the key to Japan's postwar super-stable party system and rapid economic growth with equality. This paper reexamines this well-known "political equality" thesis. The analysis of survey data covering the period from 1958 to 2009 shows that the participation structure shown by Kabashima existed only in the 1970s-80s or the golden age of the 1955 system. The study then explores why the structure changed in the 1990s comparing data from the 1980s and 2000s. The analysis suggests that rural political networks became weaker and the political efficacy of urban educated voters increased over the past 20 years, which resulted in rural voters' lower turnout and educated voters' higher turnout in recent elections.

著者

山本 圭

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.2, pp.2_267-2_287, 2012

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This paper aims to re - think the relationship between populism and democracy, and clarify that populism can hold some advantages for democratic societies. In order to do this I shall, first of all, make a survey of some arguments that have dealt with this relationship, and show that they face a difficult antinomy. I will then argue that the primary reason for this dilemma resides in "two strand theory" in the concept of modern democracy. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;Secondly, this paper focuses on theories of "radical democracy" to indicate how and why recent democratic theories move closer to populism. After reviewing some representative theories of radical democracy, I shall pick up Ernesto Laclau's political theory on populism, as his thought provides an appropriate example of the encounter between democracy and populism. Finally, through these considerations, I will attempt to clarify "the democratic utilities of populism."

著者

森川 友義

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.2, pp.2_217-2_236, 2008

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&nbsp;&nbsp;In recent years, so-called &ldquo;Evolutionary Political Science&rdquo; has drawn much attention from political scientists in the United States as well as in Europe. Little is known, however, about the overall framework of the approach, as it has been variously termed as &ldquo;biopolitics&rdquo;, &ldquo;neuro-politics,&rdquo; &ldquo;evolutionary approach to political behavior&rdquo; or &ldquo;sociogenomics.&rdquo; Scholars in this field share and emphasize human cognitive processes that have derived from an evolutionary perspective on human cognitive functioning and architecture. In light of the above, recent analyses on: (1) altruistic decision-making, (2) genetic influence on political behaviors, and (3) an &ldquo;ultimate&rdquo; approach to warfare are discussed in detail. In the process, I refer to important aspects of proximate vs. ultimate mechanism, nature vs. nurture, and general problem solver vs. &ldquo;modular&rdquo; architecture of the human brain -- arguments which are all closely connected with information processing mechanisms in the study of political science.

著者

森 裕城

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.2, pp.2_42-2_64, 2012

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A succession of books is being published that depicts changes in Japanese society based on the keyword of neoliberalism. This trend is particularly noticeable in fields that address the issues of workers, the elderly, people with disabilities, women, young people, and children. Expressed in more general terms, interest in neoliberalism appears to be growing in fields that study groups that are in weak positions within society. For this reason, this article focuses on the issue of educational reforms in order to identify the spread of neoliberalism in Japan, and it also discusses the development thereof. Viewed from the point of view of the intents of the elite, the development of educational reforms in Japan involves a variety of intermingled factors, and in some aspects these cannot be described as simply neoliberal reforms. However, when viewed at the real - world level of impact on society, school education clearly has been swept in a tide of neoliberalism, and those involved in education see this as problematic. It is the author's belief that this difference in recognition itself generates the current poor prospects on the subject of educational issues. It can be said that there is a pressing need to build an analytical framework for ascertaining comprehensively trends among the elite who institute reforms and trends among the people in weak positions who feel the effects of reforms.

出版者

Japanese Political Science Association

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.35-82, 1950-10-20 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

上川 龍之進

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.2, pp.2_134-2_155, 2012

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It is generally thought that large companies have a more powerful influence on policy making than citizens' groups in contemporary Japan. In 2006, however, it was decided that the maximum interest rate should be lowered, which the groups aiding victims of consumer lending asked for but which the consumer loan companies strongly opposed. How did 'weak' citizens' groups win against 'strong' large firms? Through analyzing this case, this article examines the political influence of large corporations and citizens' groups. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;This article is organized as follows. To begin with, it traces the history of regulations on the maximum interest rate. Next, it depicts the political process of abolishing the 'gray-zone' interest rates in 2006. Finally, it examines the resources of the consumer loan companies and the success factors of the groups aiding victims of consumer lending by comparing this case with the case of 'defective cars problem' analyzed by Hideo Otake.

著者

谷 喬夫

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, pp.49-70, 2002

著者

中澤 俊輔

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.1, pp.1_194-1_214, 2010

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This article reconsiders the mean of the Peace Preservation Law in prewar Japan's era of party cabinets. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;The Ministry of Interior (MI) took a passive attitude towards new Acts and applied existing laws against extreme thought. On the other hand, the Ministry of Justice (MJ) was more active in making new regulations because it needed a legal basis for thought control. Moreover, MI was close to Kensei-kai, as MJ with Seiyu-Kai. The KATO Taka'aki cabinet - Kensei-kai and Seiyu-kai were the Government parties - mediated between two ministries. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;MI tightened its guard against overseas communists. Furthermore, Prime Minister KATO hoped to inhibit propaganda by means of the treaty between Japan and Soviet Russia rather than through domestic regulations. So, the Peace Preservation Law was enacted for punishing associations, especially communists. However, the limits of this Law were quickly exposed. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;The first draft of the Bill would have allowed for the punishment of changing the parliamentary system, "Seitai". However, political parties deleted this provision because they feared it might limit party activities.

著者

宮本 悟

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2, pp.195-215,253, 2005

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For a long time, a majority of people have thought that the military would attempt a coup d'etat in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea due to the widespread economic deterioration in the past, and the fact that the domestic economy has seen some recent improvement makes this event more unlikely at present.<br>Why haven't a group of officers within the Korean People's Army attempted a coup d'etat? In this research, I provide three key reasons that explain why, even during three crisis periods involving major politico-military purges, this has not happened.<br>Chiefly these were: entrenched clique competition in the military; the existence of an organization that can oppose the armed forces; and a systemic and purposeful division of the military. I have confirmed through this research that the system that has divided the military still exists in the army, a system controlled effectively by a senior <i>commissar</i>. Therefore, this research concludes that the possibility of a coup d'etat occurring is low even in the present D. P. R. K.

著者

坂本 孝治郎

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, pp.49-85, 1985

著者

猪木 正道

出版者

Japanese Political Science Association

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.175-189, 1950-10-20 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

今里 佳奈子

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.2, pp.2_106-2_126, 2010

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This article aims at clarifying major characteristics of Swedish gender policies and the way they have been developed. Sweden is known as one of the most advanced women-friendly as well as gender equal society where women can work both in and out their family. These advancements in terms of social and economic status of Swedish women have been brought by their positive participation in labor market propped by the active social and labor market policies by the idea of worker- citizen. Some, however, point out that there are conspicuous sex segregation in the workplace, violence to women, sexual harassment etc., and that these issues have not been satisfactorily coped with by responsible policymakers. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;This article explains that the gender policies in Sweden are products of corporative interaction of State Feminism and women's movements taken place under the Corporate State structure.

著者

小田川 大典

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.125-149,265, 2006

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In his later work, <i>L'inhumaine</i>: <i>Causeries sur le temps</i> (1988), Jean-Fran&ccedil;ois Lyotard advocated the aesthetic political theory under the influence of Edmund Burke's early writing, <i>A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful</i> (1759), though little attention has been paid to this point so far. This paper is intended as the examination of Burke's physiological aesthetics of sublimity and Lyotard's postmodern theory of the sublime from the perspective of political philosophy. Indeed, they didn't preach Kantian moral principles, but claimed the necessity of cultivation of the ethical sensibility through the aesthetical experience of the sublime in their theories. We may go on from this to the conclusion that it is what Stephen White called &ldquo;the sense of responsibility to otherness&rdquo; and &ldquo;the world-disclosing function of language&rdquo; in his work, <i>Political Theory and Postmodernism</i> (1991) that Burke and Lyotard emphasized the importance of.

著者

山口 二郎

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.202-225,267, 2006

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Nowadays, the Koizumi government has put his structural reform into practice to some extent. His policy based on neo-liberal ideology is changing policy system which realized parity among the regions and classes in the post war Japan. As the result of 2005 general election showed, the people give support to his reform. This paper aims at grasping the notion of equality that the LDP and the bureaucracy have been pursuing for fifty years. Then, it tries to answer a puzzle, why ordinary people support the neo-liberal policy which causes pain and disadvantage to themselves.<br>Japanese-style equality was brought about by combination of discretionary policy and socialization of risk. Although the socio-economic system in post war Japan is often called &ldquo;successful social democracy&rdquo;, it is far from the true one in west European countries. Universalistic approach was quite weak in social policy, and discretionary policy such as subsidy and public investment projects functioned as redistributive policy for backward sectors. Discretionary approach also caused chronic corruption and unfair vested interests in the bureaucracy.<br>Koizumi was good at attacking this corrupted complex, and aroused expectation among the people. They supported Koizumi's reform because they expected him to slash the corruption and vested interests. However, they do not appreciate real outcome of the structural reform. Our opinion poll in early 2006 shows that they still approve the notion of welfare state and have deep concern about inequality in recent Japanese society.<br>Koizumi's reform removed various shelters in Japanese society, and people become exposed to many kinds of risk. In this context, it is likely that debate on role of the government becomes serious in party politics.

著者

関 寛治

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, pp.91-120,en6, 1976

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The history of Peace Research in Japan should be analyzed not only in terms of development of pure peace science, but also in terms of the politics of peace in post-war Japanese history. The origins of peace research in Japan go back to the 1948 statement by eight UNE SCO social scientists. The statement immediately inspired Japanese intellectuals to form &ldquo;The Peace Problems Discussion Circle&rdquo; by which was covered the monthly Journal <i>Sekai</i> published by Iwanami Shoten. The strength of the 1948 UNESCO statement, attracted the attention of Japanese intellectuals who participated in the monthly <i>Sekai</i> forum from the beginning of 1949 to the end of 1960. Their objective was to oppose the cold war strategy of the super-powers. Among all statements, &ldquo;On Peace for the Third Time, &rdquo; which was originally drafted by Masao Maruyama, was especially notable for the scope and depth of its analysis of world politics and for its high analytic quality as an example of clinical-type peace research. Because of the long-term value of its penetrating insights into the nuclear age, this essay has acquired great meaning for the present stage of research development in the mid-1970's.<br>According to the author, &ldquo;On Peace for the Third Time&rdquo; was singled out not only for its illuminating qualities, and the strength of its clinical evaluation of post-war international society, but for its sensitivity to the original spirit of peace as well. On the other hand, the development of basic peace research in Japan fell completely behind in comparison with its American and European counterparts in the process of institutionalizing peace reseach. In this article, the reasons for the lack of progress in the institutional development of peace research in Japan, is tentatively analyzed in terms of the social and organizational weakness of the politics of peace, and in terms of the non-innovative, conservative character of the academic community in Japan.

著者

南原 繁

出版者

Japanese Political Science Association

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.1-4, 1950-10-20 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

竹中 浩

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, pp.61-77, 1994

著者

石川 捷治

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, pp.161-177, 2003

著者

大森 彌

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, pp.87-116, 1985

被引用文献数

2