著者
金子 國吉
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
体育研究所紀要 (ISSN:02866951)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.15, no.1, pp.25-39, 1975-12

1. はじめに2. 古代末期の剣技について3. 鎌倉時代の剣技についての概説4. 南北朝時代の剣技について5. まとめ
著者
金子 国吉
出版者
慶應義塾大学体育研究所
雑誌
体育研究所紀要 (ISSN:02866951)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.17, no.1, pp.p1-18, 1977-12

1. はじめ2. 万剣呪儀3. タケミカヅチノ神の伝承4. まとめ
著者
佐々木 玲子 石沢 順子
出版者
慶應義塾大学体育研究所
雑誌
体育研究所紀要 (ISSN:02866951)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.55, no.1, pp.7-15, 2016-01

The purpose of this study was to assess the physical activity of preschool children during free play, using accelerometry and direct observation methods. Accelerometry is increasingly being used to objectively assess physical activity in children. Direct observation is often considered a criterion measure for physical activity in young children because of its practical and comprehensive nature. In this study, the participants were 6 preschool children aged 5-6 years. Children's physical activity levels (intensities) during free play (30 minutes) in the kindergarten were measured by the triaxial accelerometer (HJA-350IT ; Omron). These time series data were time-matched with behaviors and/or movement patterns from the video footage of children engaging in free play. Thus, we tried to indicate the physical activity levels of children during various activities and/or fundamental movements. Results were as follows. 1) Skilled children were more active and performed more high-intensity physical activity than unskilled children did during free-play periods. The amount and intensity of physical activity was much lower in unskilled girls than in other children. 2) More types of activities and/or fundamental movements were performed by skilled children than by unskilled children. 3) Movement intensity of children during free-play activities was adequately classified. Based on these findings, a cut-off point of moderate-to-vigorous physical activity was determined.
著者
清水 富士子
出版者
慶應義塾大学体育研究所
雑誌
体育研究所紀要 (ISSN:02866951)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.25, no.1, pp.p19-29, 1985-12

1. はじめ2. 古代の神の観念3. 島々の祭り4. 祭りと芸能5. むすび
著者
金子 国吉
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
体育研究所紀要 (ISSN:02866951)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, no.1, pp.21-39, 1973-12

History always accounts for victors. Therefore, it is natural that history is rewritten with the change of the time. In the case of swordsmanship and its history, this theory may apply, and due to the much limited materials, there is no other way than finding a conclusion from indirect materials by means of the inductive method. It is apparent that swordsmanship techniques were practiced since the olden times, however, the days in which importance was attached to swordsmanship philosophy were nearly the beginning of the Tokugawa era; the philosophy was begun to be studied by means of the inductive method. Before such days, explanations of history were based on legends. The swordsmanship techniques described in medieval history are of course legendary, however, it cannot be denied that they served as a factor for sources of action. Social background The Nara period is said to be the times when the continental culture was imported, and the culture had a great influence on the various systems of Japan. It is therefore natural that the Japanese military system was systematically completed, and with the completion, there was a significant change in the weapon, strategy and military exercise During the Heian period, military movements against the natives of Ezo were continued from the previous period, which resulted in stronger demand for weapons. Then, in the rise of Fujiwara culture, confrontation and contention among the local powerful families occurred, and a great, continued social unrest was caused. Especially, with Masakado Taira's revolt as a momentum, the systematic corps by local clans came up to the surface of society. What came after this were the taking of power by warriors and the confrontation between the North and South Courts, which made military struggles more and more severe. Thus, a foundation for the rise of swordsmanship techniques was built based on practical fighting experiences. An idea on swordsmanship techniques The social conditions for rise of swordsmanship techniques are collapse of value of social order and esteem of real power. In other words, recognition of swordsmanship techniques by society. Swordsmanship techniques can be termed as: 1) When regarded as fighting techniques, neither technical skills nor manners are required. All that is necessary is physical fighting by strength and quick judgement, in other words, swordsmanship techniques in the battlefield, 2) Delicate techniques are required; a fight in which a victor and loser are decided in a moment; in this sense, swordsmanship techniques may be called drill hall techniques which respect a spiritual principle and swordsmanship theory. As long as the realities of sworsmanship techniques are just techniques, they are not fixed ones but there should be in the techniques changes as circumstances require. According to social changes, swordsmanship techniques undergo changes, too. Military chronicle and swordsmanship techniques Literary works which are called military chronicles or military stories are limited to medieval works depicting facts of things historically and objectively using fights as materials. Typical of them are the Story of Masakado, the Mutsu Story, the Hogen and Heiji Story, the Historic Romance of the Heike, the Taihei Story, etc. Accordingly, the swordsmanship techniques of the Middle Ages fall in the category of legend from the historical viewpoint. In the above-enumerated stories, names of cutting tricks and description in detail of blowing and cutting are given very often. In reading these stories, we can know that the swordsmanship techniques used in the olden times melted in the Middle Ages into the Chinese style swordsmanship techniques imported during the Nara period, and that the unique swordsmanship techniques were born with the rise of warriors in the society. In view of the names of cutting tricks and the description thereof, it is obvious that the swordsmanship techniques made a considerable progress although they were violent battlefield techniques. Conclusion There are some swordsmanship techniques whose names are the same as those of schools in later ages. However, it cannot always be said that the techniques themselves are the same. It may possible that names would differ even if the techniques are the same. The reason is that there is a basic difference between the medieval techniques employed in the battlefield and those used in the drill hall in later ages. The swordsmanship techniques made advancement with the progress of the times so that they could match the circumstances therein.
著者
本間 周子
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
体育研究所紀要 (ISSN:02866951)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, no.1, pp.41-49, 1974-12

I have studied Morris Dance described as a centuries-old folk dance in Chapter III of a book, Douglas Kennedy's English Folk Dancing-Today and Yesterday, and I wish to discuss and state my opinions on its historical relationships with the modern dances. Upon referring to the authoritative Oxford English Dictionary, it is found that the words, 'Morris' and 'Morris Dance', were first used about the middle of the 15th century. Although, as to the etymology of the words, it is not clearly shown in the dictionary, it indicates that such words are associated with the Moorish. A further suggestion in the dictionary is that they have an interesting implication of the Robin Hood legend or dramas. It seems that the Morris Dance was most popularly played in the times when the above citation was made, i.e., about the mid-15th century. In those old days festivals took place in mid-winter, in spring or in early summer as symbols of renewal or continuity of life. Morris Dance was played as one of the highlights of the spring festival. Towards the end of the 19th century when people began to direct their interest to the rural districts, Cecil J. Sharp happened to watch Morris Dance at a certain village in Oxfordshire. He, most interested in it, began studying it, his knowledge of it was deepened, and at last he published book in five volumes. His books gave an opportunity, by which people came to know that it had been a folk dance played on a Europe-wide scale and that it had a very long history. Crowds of males were dressed in white, each with white handkerchiefs and wood sticks in their hands and wore bells on their waists and legs. The dance was accompanied by music which was played only by a person presumably in the status of a leader with his flute and small drum, or with his bagpipe or accordion. Those males danced furiously to the music. This is the basic form of Morris Dance. However, detailed studies have made it known that there were delicate differences in the dancing from country to country as well as from area to area, therefore that there were various styles in the dance. As to the relationships between this dance and the sword dance or horn dance, there would be important subjects involving factors for which discussions should be made on a very large scale and based on a long history. The above statements are the summary of my discussion of Morris Dance. Dances are considered to have been born at the same time when human beings began their living on earth. Therefore, Morris Dance, which was born as it were a breath of the British life, is also considered to have taken its shape after a lapse of very many years. In university physical education, I think it meaningful to understand the background under which ancient dances such as Morris Dance were born, and sense Nature and the mental climate which fostered them. In so doing, I think, a deeper approach can be made to the essence of the folk dances. I hope to continue this study of mine in order to know further the genealogy of Morris Dance, and at the same time I wish to deepen my understanding of the present-day meaning these ancient dances gave to us.
著者
本間 周子
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
体育研究所紀要 (ISSN:02866951)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.19, no.1, pp.1-10, 1979-12

1. はじめ2. メイ・デイについて3. メイ・デイのダンスについて4. メイ・デイのダンスの歴史的考察5. むすび
著者
辰沼 広吉
出版者
慶應義塾大学体育研究所
雑誌
体育研究所紀要 (ISSN:02866951)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.15, no.1, pp.p1-6, 1975-12

Introduction: While climbing mountains, the direct object is nature, therefore, consideration is given to the methods of recognition of nature, subjects to which recognition is to be given and techniques by which such recognition is to be exerted. Main subjects: 1) Recognition of physical nature As to the recognition of nature, we have a great number of discourses written since many years ago. Here, I like to take up the subjects of perceptive recognition; they are "Material" such as mountains, ice, snow, etc. which are commonly experienced, and can be seen and touched by us. These perceptive subjects are recognized as those in which sensory subjects are consolidated. These subjects represent the physically so-called facts which are observed directly and macrospically. Observations of this kind can average the movements of molecules which vary considerably. In some cases the difference in movements is large enough to make it enable to record only the general non-equilibrial error as if in the case of the movement of an object. If further studies are given to sensory subjects which are the most simple sensory subjects, objects are classified as chemical substances into objects of various kinds, and further divided into molecules and atoms. However, these physical subjects are static compound substances of molecules having the average invariability during a certain minimal period of time. However, as long as the mathematical power of probability theory is applied, we must know that there is a gap between the existence of such compound substances and the overall fact. Consequently, if a macroscopic method is used in the observation of nature, for example, an avalanche fall down to low places, which is an invariable fact. However, if consideration is given by using a microscopic method, we must be ready for admitting the limits of recognition as long as the theory of probability as existence is introduced. 2) Subjects of recognition The recognition of nature is the recognition from within nature, and the consciousness of natural relationships. Although the theory is classic, the mental phenomenon of a person who recognizes is a fact and at the same time has a meaning and value. Natural phenomena are facts and things happened. Firstly, natural phenomena and occurrences are observed by innate subjectivity which is represented by mathematics or theory. In this case experiences cannot escape from uncertainty. Especially, even if correctness is proved physically, it is not possible to include objectively all natural environmental conditions. What is called fate seems to call on us by chance, however, this is not true; in many cases we are visited by fate because we do not know all the causes which control it. Microscopically, it is impossible to predict exactly the location of an electron; it seems that the same probability theory is controlling, however, there is an essential difference in this case. Secondly, experiences are known as they really were, and foresighted recognition cannot be able to foresee exactly everything which will happen in the future. Here, there is a gap between experiences and foresighted recognition ; uncertainty of measurement is explained simply as what is unknown. As long as what has been said is admitted, it cannot but be said to be subjective. Results of observations rather show possibility than mathematical facts; this possibility will merely allow a probable conclusion as to some of future results. However, important is human relations with the general order, and in order to avoid partial contingency, it is essential to move by looking at the general order. Thirdly, the subject of recognition is the personality which points meaning and value to natural phenomena, and is the experiential subject which grasps historical and social actualities. For instance, mountain-climbing acts are moved by some motive, and mountains are climbed because the act is liked. Nextly, there is a process where the meaning and value are considered; and further, it is usual that danger makes its appearance. It is at this point that value and danger are often weighed, and as a result, an attitude to permit danger of some degree is generated naturally. 3) Techniques and the subject-environment medium (Description is omitted). Conclusion: Mountain climbing acts should in principle be made by recognizing macroscopically the order of nature in accordance with the law of cause and effect. On the other hand, inevitability and contingency must be recognized by means of the method to recognize from the microscopic standpoint, however, efforts should theoretically be made so as to make contingency naught. For men, as experiential subjects, it is difficult to recognize nature because they are part of it. However, apart from this problem, as long as we climb mountains because we are fond of mountain-climbing, it is very difficult for us to escape from the act, a historical reality, from the viewpoint of inevitability. Accordingly, efforts should always be made to fill up the experiential gap by means of pursuing scientifically the causes which control partial contingency. While, if viewed from the hisorical reality point, the established social structure and its process of dynamic progress are inevitably urging us to climb mountains. This is the inevitable tendency prevailing among the mountain climbers of today. In some cases they, due to the over-recognition of value or the temporary sense of excitement, may take a process in which they as men forget the joy of living in the midst of nature. In order to prevent disorder caused by such things as partial contingency, we are required to act properly by respecting order and by recognizing the importance of relations between human beings and the order of nature. Mountain climbings ought to be made by the liking of man and based on scientific investigations, however, the present tendency is that people climb mountains under conditions in which some of danger is involved, this is the reality.
著者
本間 周子
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
体育研究所紀要 (ISSN:02866951)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, no.1, pp.29-39, 1976-12

The Middle Ages were the ages of Christianity and the way of thinking based on religion prevailed throughout Western Europe. However, a careful observation of data such as literary works and miniatures of manuscripts shows us that there were various secular and popular pleasures even in the society controlled by religion. The church interests condemned amusements and hobbies of the common people through sermons and others according to religious commandments. It may be said, however, this very fact affords a clear proof that the commons at that time took a cheerful view of life from the bottom of their heart. I have investigated of "Carol", one of the dance-songs, dealt with some examples from the noble to the common and explained the popularity among all social classes, especially in England in the late Middle Ages. The word "Carol" was used from about the 12th century in France, but it seems to have originated in the ancient pagan faith in fertility. Carol, which the people of the Middle Ages always danced and in which they took much interest, assumes, viewed at the angle of its form, several characteristics listed below; 1. Male and female dancers join hands forming a ring, and dance to songs and musical instruments. 2. Dancers make three steps in the left direction and mark time then and there. 3. Dancers, while dancing with hands joined with each other, sometimes make gestures. 4. Dancers consist of a leader and a chorus. 5. The leader is also one of the dancers, and the dance is led by him. 6. The song is in four-stressed four-line stanzas with rhyme. 7. The leader sings a lyric poem in stanzas, and when he has finished to sing the song, all the other members respond to it by singing and dancing refrains. 8. At the start of refrain, it is usual to make a sign with words or instruments. Many men and women used to dance a Carol in the churchyard or greens, in spring or summer, especially at the Christmas season. According to The Medieval Lyric (1968) written by P. Dronke, the English people after the 14th century were in particular excited over Carol and they were technically excellent dancers. The word Carol meant at first the dancing song. However, at the beginning of the 15th century, it separated into two meanings - song and dance, Carol remaining as a word meaning a song. Since then, it has been in existence as a holy song for celebrating Christmas - Christmas Carol, as we know very well. As mentioned above, we find that the people of every class, in the ages under Christian control and in various districts of West Europe, were feeling themselves drawn toward the other world -the world of real existence, while they continued singing their joy of the worldly life. Carol is a proof that the dancing song continued to live as poems in praise of a vivid life of the commons even under the religious control of the Middle Ages.
著者
本間 周子
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
体育研究所紀要 (ISSN:02866951)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.15, no.1, pp.51-62, 1975-12

What represents the folk dances in England is the Morris Dance in spring and the Sword Dance in winter. Thanks to the energic work made by Cecil Sharp, both dances were recorded and the records have been still preserved. Alike the Morris Dance, the Sword Dance has a very old tradition; as to the origin of this dance, it is said that it originated with the half-magic religious ceremonies inherent in ancient society. When we analogize this point, the description in Golden Bough written by J. G. Frazer may be much helpful. The Sword Dance has been pervaded since a long, long time ago over a fairly wide areas in farming villages of Northern Europe; this dance also has a religious functional meaning, which implies that it has some relations with Christianity. German archaeologists have long before been interested in this dance. Tacitus of Ancient Rome (55-120?) had described at the beginning of the 24th Chapter of his noted book Germania that the brave Sword Dance had been played as enjoyment at gatherings of Ancient Germanic racial society. Also at the 1040th line of the Old English epic Beowulf (written at the beginning of the 8th century) , the word "Sweorda-gelac" as used as a metaphor for a battle. Even through these fragmentary materials, it may roughly be assumed that the Sword Dance was a folk dance which had a close relationship with one of the ancient Germanic races which lived mainly in Northern Europe. The minstrels of the Middle Ages seem to have included this dance in their repertory. It is known that this dance was played as the most attractive ludus (play) at Nuremberg, Germany, in 1350. In Northern England, especially Yorkshire, Northumberland and Durham, people had traditional plays in which the Sword Dance was played. Before long, the dance was separated from the play; two grotesque figures participated in the dance and songs were also sung as it was played. The dance is divided into two kinds according to the length of the sword used. One is the long sword dance (at Yorkshire), namely, a steel sword of thick blade and longer than one meter is used while it is played; the other is the short sword dance (rapper) (at Northumberland and Durham) which uses a flexible steel sword the blade of which is thin, the length is about 50 centimeters, with a handle at its respective ends. Judging from such swords, it is known that this dance has relations with coal mines, being worthwhile to be paid attention. Walter Scott, the novelist of the 19th century, while travelling Shetland Islands, witnessed this dance, and used it in his novel, The Pirate. He thought that the dance had its origin in Scandinavia, The areas where the Sword Dance is generally played are almost in accord with the areas into which the Viking made their invasions. This is one of the grounds for his assertion. However, it seems that the dance itself had been played before their invasion. The manner by which it was played had no association with a battle, but probably meant a Mock or a symbolic sacrifice. It is considered that the Sword Dance primarily had an agricultural characteristic and was played very popularly at winter festivals in farming villages.
著者
森下 愛子 船渡 和男
出版者
慶應義塾大学体育研究所
雑誌
体育研究所紀要 (ISSN:02866951)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.1, pp.9-13, 2010-01

The purpose of this study was to examine the changes in velocity and underwater movements during one stroke cycle in competitive breaststroke swimming. The subjects were 19 collegiate swimmers (11 men and 8 women with mean age, 20.9 ± 0.6 y and 20.0 ± 1.0 y; mean height, 173.7 ± 7.0 cm and 165.8 ± 3.8 cm; and mean mass, 66.1 ± 6.7 kg and 59.5 ± 3.9 kg, respectively). They wore a belt that was attached to Speed Meter (manufactured by Vine Inc) via a harness. Each swimmer covered a distance of 25 m twice with the breast-stroke at the highest speed possible. The best time was then analyzed. An underwater video camera (manufactured by YAMAHA K.K) was set up at the center of the pool (at 12.5 m from each end), and it captured pictures of a 5 m section (10 to 15 m). Image analysis revealed 2 acceleration phases in all subjects, which were to the "kick" and "pull" actions of the swimmers. This was agreed upon by the top swimmer of the literature review. Moreover, underwater movement could be estimated from the pattern of change in the speeds on the basis of the relationship between the 2 parameters in the absence of underwater movement.
著者
加藤 幸司
出版者
慶應義塾大学体育研究所
雑誌
体育研究所紀要 (ISSN:02866951)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.1, pp.1-6, 2021-01

The purpose of this study was to investigate the temporal and notational structures of mixed doubles and women's doubles games in badminton doubles events and obtain basic information for coaches and players in order to set up specific badminton training drills. Eleven matches of each event (n= 22) were selected from the top categories of BWF World Tour tournaments held from 2018 to 2019 and analyzed. Total rally time (XD:637.9 ± 106.7 s vs . WD : 1135.1 ± 523.7 s ; P< 0.05), rally time (XD: 8.2 ± 1.4 s vs . WD : 13.5 ± 4.2 s ; P< 0.05), percentage of time played (XD : 26.1 ± 3.1 % vs . WD : 35.3 ± 6.3%;P< 0.05), work density (XD : 0.35 ± 0.05 vs . WD:0.55 ± 0.16;P< 0.05), total shots (XD : 899.4 ± 139.8 vs . WD : 1350.8 ± 578.2;P< 0.05), and shots per rally (XD:11.4 ± 1.7 vs . WD:16.1 ± 4.4;P< 0.05) were significantly higher in the women's doubles event than in the mixed doubles event. Shot frequency showed a significantly lower value in the women's doubles event (XD:1.41 ± 0.04 vs . WD : 1.21 ± 0.06 ; P< 0.05). Tempo (total rally time / total shots) was significantly shorter in the mixed doubles than in the women's doubles (XD : 0.76 ± 0.02 s vs . WD : 0.83 ± 0.04 s ; P< 0.05). In conclusion, comparing the mixed doubles and the women's doubles, we found that the temporal and notational structures of both events were different. The significant differences in the data observed between the events may help coaches and players effectively and efficiently manage training and competition preparation in line with current badminton events characteristics.
著者
米村 昌二
出版者
慶應義塾大学体育研究所
雑誌
体育研究所紀要 (ISSN:02866951)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, no.1, 1965-09

I. 序言II. 調査方法III. 考察 1. 男子 (1) 年齢と競技種目 (2) 身長と競技種目 (3) 体重と競技種目 2. 女子 (1) 年齢と競技種目 (2) 身長と競技種目 (3) 体重と競技種目IV. 結論
著者
鳥海 崇 綿田 博人
出版者
慶應義塾大学体育研究所
雑誌
体育研究所紀要 = Bulletin of the Institute of Physical Education, Keio University (ISSN:02866951)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.1, pp.45-53, 2017-01

In this study, we calculate the team strengths of the Tokyo Big6 Baseball League teams from 2001 to 2015 seasons by using five mathematical and statistical methods; which are ① Keener's model using points in the standings, ② Keener's model using wins and losses, ③ Bradley-Terry model using wins and losses, ④ Offence-Defense methods using scores, and ⑤ Keener's model using a parameter derived from points and winning rate. Based on the 20 results whose standings of the points and the winning rates are on the same order, we calculate the Kendall rank correlation coefficient between both rankings derived from strengths and from points in each method. The average coefficients from 2001 to 2015 seasons show that Keener's model using wins and losses, Keener's model using a parameter, and Bradley-Terry model have high correlations (more than 0.9). On the other hand, Keener's model using points in the standings and Offence-Defense model have a low correlation (less than 0.9). We also calculate the strengths in the case that the team ranked 1st in the standings is ranked 2nd in terms of the winning rate. The three methods with high correlations show that the strength of the team ranked highest in terms of wining rate is greater than the team ranked second highest. This implies that the winning rate is a better indicator of a team's strength than its points in the Tokyo Big6 Baseball League standings from 2001 to 2015.
著者
須田 芳正 田中 博史 川合 武司 高橋 宏文 綿田 博人
出版者
慶應義塾大学体育研究所
雑誌
体育研究所紀要 (ISSN:02866951)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, no.1, pp.7-16, 2000-01

The purpose of this study was to compare and construct the cognitive style of various sports players, so that we could accumulate the references and ideas to this study. In this study, 37 volleyball players, 43 baseball players, 42 soccer players, 23 basketball players, 45 kendo players, 39 track and field players from university and total of 229 players had been contrasted. We have measured the cognitive style by applying EFT cognitive style test and compared each group's result. From the test's result, we have come up with these conclusions. The scores of volleyball players were meaningfully higher than that of another players. From this result, It has been clear that players of volleyball players tend to be more field-dependent that players of all.
著者
加藤 大仁
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
体育研究所紀要 (ISSN:02866951)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.40, no.1, pp.31-38, 2001-01

At the opening ceremony of a softball tournament of the national athletic meet in Okinawa in 1987, Hinomaru, the national flag was burned by am an who protested the event and its use as the national flag. Politically speaking, the national athletic meet may be regarded as an agent of the government to socialize the people by using the Emperor, Hinomaru and Kimigayo. Okinawa has a singular history and culture which are different from the Japan mainland. It was forced to be integrated into Japan in 1879 and then an educational system called "Emperor Worship" was introduced. Okinawa was only area which became battlefields in Japan in W.W. ll. After the war, Okinawa was occupied by U.S. for 27 years and returned to Japan in 1972. Today, there are leftover developments of U.S. military bases remaining on the island. Generally speaking, the national flag is a symbol of the nation and a tool to foster national identity of the people. But many Okinawa people have refused to use it because of the history. To share national identity with them, we have to find a new meaning in Hinomaru.
著者
本間 周子
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
体育研究所紀要 (ISSN:02866951)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.17, no.1, pp.19-28, 1977-12

1. はじめ2. 歴史的および宗教的背景3. Whirling Dervishes の犠式・セマ4. むすび.
著者
坂井 利彰
出版者
慶應義塾大学体育研究所
雑誌
体育研究所紀要 (ISSN:02866951)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.1, pp.1-7, 2018-01

On July 1, 2017, Japanese player Yuichi Sugita claimed a victory at the Antalya Open in Turkey. It was the first ATP title for the 28-year-old, who was ranked number 66 in the world at the time. It also marked his tenth year on the tour after turning a professional while still being a university student. His achievement demonstrated the possibility of traversing a different career path than a conventional one which is focused on nurturing elite players during their teen years. Hence, the purpose of this quantitative analysis is to further investigate the relations between a player's first ATP tour victory and his chosen career path.Having compared the rankings of players according to the age at which each player won their first ATP tournament, the study found that players who claimed their first tour victory at 25 or above do not necessarily rank lower than players who won their first title between 21 and 24. In fact, in most cases, players in the former group even go on to enjoy longer professional lives than those belonging to the latter category. This is primarily due to the fact that the large number of ATP points earned through a tournament victory can propel a player to a much higher ranking, giving him a better place in later competitions as a result of the way the ATP tour is structured.
著者
大嶽 真人 古賀 初 田中 博史 須田 芳正
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
体育研究所紀要 (ISSN:02866951)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.41, no.1, pp.39-45, 2002-01

サッカー競技の試合におけるハーフタイム時の選手の状態不安とパフォーマンスの関連性を明らかにすることを目的とした。対象は関東大学サッカーリーグに所属するJ大学サッカー選手25名とした。状態不安の測定にはSpielbergerらのSTAIの日本語版を用いて試合直前,ハーフタイム,試合直後の測定を14試合で実施した。その結果,以下のようなことが明らかになった。1.サッカー選手の平常時における状態不安の値は,一般学生に比べて低い傾向が確認された。2.試合直前に不安状態が高い選手は,指導者における前半戦の競技評価が低いことが認められた。3.ハーフタイム時の状態不安は,前半戦の試合結果および試合内容,競技評価の優劣に関わらず試合直前より高くなることが認められた。4.前半戦の試合結果および試合内容,競技評価の良し悪しによって,試合直前から状態不安の変化の度合いが異なり,悪くなるとハーフタイム時の状態不安は,より高くなる傾向が認められ,ハーフタイム時に,選手の不安傾向を軽減する心理的サポートを指導者が行うことの重要性が示唆された。