著者

二村 淳子

出版者

日本比較文学会

雑誌

比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, pp.20-34, 2014-03-31 (Released:2017-06-07)

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L'objectif de cette article est de présenter le concept de modernisation chez Phạm Quỳnh (1892-1945), un érudit vietnamien qui était un ministre de l'empereur Bao Dai. Quynh a fait la proposition d'un plan culturel de “Renaissance Annamite” en 1922. La raison pour laquelle je compare les pensées de Quynh avec celles de Kakuzo Okakura (1863-1913), c'est que ce concept historique de “Renaissance” est commun dans leurs pensées, qu'il y joue un rôle important. Pour comprendre l'idée de Quynh, il me semble utile d'observer ce qu'ils partagaient. Pour démontrer la conception de Quynh, l'approche suivante a été adoptée : cette article s'articule autour de trois chapitres. Le premier chapitre évoque le dilemme que représente pour Quynh et Okakura l'esthétique Gréco-Romaine qui était considérée à l'époque de l'occidentalisation de Extrême-Orient comme le seul canon existant. Le deuxième chapitre est consacré à analyser les sens de cette “Renaissance” qu'ils appellent de leurs voeux pour moderniser leur pays. Le troisième chapitre expose les idéaux et l'étendue de cette “Renaissance”. Par la suite, on constate que Quynh a essayé de créer des valeurs classiques propres à l'Extrême-Orient selon ce concept. Les résultats de cette étude montrent que leur “Renaissance” est un avantprojet pour réaliser la modernisation idéale de leur pays. Ce n'était pas un moyen essentialiste, cherchant à déterminer des caractéristiques fondamentales, mais au contraire, une méthode pour créer une identité culturelle propre à leur pays permettant d'ouvrir une nouvelle ère et un nouveau style culturel mettant en valeur les diversités civilisationelles.

著者

中丸 禎子

出版者

日本比較文学会

雑誌

比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, pp.121-125, 2014

著者

堀江 珠喜

出版者

日本比較文学会

雑誌

比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, pp.5-17, 1985-03-31 (Released:2017-06-17)

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Yukio Mishima must have got some ideas from The Picture of Dorian Gray to start Forbidden Colors though he did not admit the fact. Oscar Wilde’s influence on this novel is obvious especially in the following two ways. First, the story begins with Yuichi’s recognition of his own beauty after being taught to see himself by Shunsuke. Since then, falling a prey to narcissism, Yuichi has lived as Shunsuke’s work of art. We can find a similar plot in Dorian Gray, where Lord Henry taught Dorian to recognize his own beauty and the significance of youth. Secondly, this understanding of their beauty made both young men wicked and egoistic. They not only entered the world of homosexuality but also became tempters and seduced some innocents. According to Christianity, temptation is the most diabolic of many sinful deeds. In a word, Shunsuke created a seducer with the teaching of beauty as Lord Henry did. But, unlike Lord Henry, Shunsuke’s purpose was revenge on his former girl friends. This is why Mishima developed the story as a psychological novel, while Dorian Gray appeared to be a somewhat gothic novel with wit predictive of Wilde’s comedy of manners.

著者

三田 順

出版者

日本比較文学会

雑誌

比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, pp.66-81, 2017-03-31 (Released:2020-04-01)

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Cette étude s'intéresse à la réception du Symbolisme en Wallonie et à la variante régionaliste qui s'y est développée. Le Symbolisme est l'un des mouvements artistiques qui a rencontré en Belgique le plus de succès en tant qu'emblème d'une identité « belge » définie comme le résultat d'une hybridation des cultures latine et germanique. Pourtant, Albert Mockel, l'initiateur wallon de cette esthétique d'origine française, est également impliqué dans le régionalisme wallon, qui s'oppose à cette conception. Certes, à partir des années 1890, la revue la Wallonie (1886-1892) dirigée par Mockel commence à perdre le rôle moteur qu'elle jouait jusque-là dans le champ littéraire en Belgique. Le symbolisme belge connaît alors un succès international grâce à l'exotisme « nordique/germanique » que l'on trouve chez les écrivains flamands d'expression française à Bruxelles. Néanmoins, ce passage d'un modèle à l'autre est révélateur du processus qui a engendré le « symbolisme wallon », également issu de la culture nordique/germanique. Mon propos s'appuie principalement sur l'analyse des oeuvres d'un écrivain symboliste wallon méconnu, Hector Chainaye (1865-1913), pour montrer comment son esthétique animiste a pu favoriser l'émergence du symbolisme de type nordique, sans tomber pour autant dans le régionalisme folklorique qui a fait plus tard le succès du « Symbolisme » dans le champ littéraire parisien. De plus, l'esthétique de Chainaye, résumée par la formule « l'âme des choses », entretient des similitudes étroites avec la série de dessins du même nom dus à l'artiste symboliste belge, Xavier Mellery, bien que l'on ignore si tous deux se sont rencontrés. L'esthétique du « symbolisme wallon » fut en fait léguée au « symbolisme belge » autour de Bruxelles à partir des années 1890. L'entreprise de création d'un symbolisme wallon apparaît ainsi comme l'une des sources essentielles ou comme un modèle du symbolisme belge, dont Chainaye pourrait bien être considéré comme le précurseur.

著者

加瀬 佳代子

出版者

日本比較文学会

雑誌

比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, pp.37-51, 2017-03-31 (Released:2020-04-01)

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This paper argues that Yann Martel's novel Life of Pi ascribes to India a spiritual paradigm formed in the colonial period and that the story renovates the aging paradigm for contemporary use. More than a few researchers have examined Life of Pi, some of whom focus on religious beliefs. In common, they all regard the novel as postmodern literature that seeks to deconstruct religious beliefs and replace God with a narrative. Therefore, they make a judgment about whether it can be “a story that makes you believe in God," as Martel writes in the novel's Author's Note. Though the story is based on India, and Pi, the protagonist, is an Indian, previous researchers have examined the novel's religious concepts within a Christian framework. This paper employs Homi K. Bhabha's view to discuss the relation between religious beliefs and narrative. Borrowing from Bhabha's concept, Martel found both religious “rapture" and the way of “negotiation" in India, and then, in Life of Pi, he utilized the latter to transmit the former. Nevertheless, this comes from his desire to present India as a spiritual paradigm. Not only does Martel rely on the paradigm but also adapts it by using its narrative, which he calls “bamboozlement." Besides, he attenuates native traits of Pondicherry. Pi is pan-Indianized and adapted to contemporary Western society.

著者

佐々木 寛

出版者

日本比較文学会

雑誌

比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, pp.99-114, 1988-03-31 (Released:2017-06-17)

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Японские читатели впервые узнали сочинение крупного советского ученого М.М. Бахтина (1895—1975) в 1968 году, когда его книга “Проблемы поэтики Достоевского” вышла в свет в Японии на японском языке (перевод Арая Кеидзабуро). В течение 20 лет после этого, у нас появились на японском языке все его сочинения: в 1973 году— “Творчество Франсуа Рабле и народная культура средневековья и ренессанса” (перевод Кавабата Каори), в 1976 году—“Марксизм и философия языка” под именем В.Н. Волошинова (перевод Кувано Такаси), а в 1979 году вышел в свет первый том собрания сочинений Бахтина в 8 томах (издательство Синдзидайся), публикация которого завершилась весной 1988 года. Более того, каждый перевод его сочинений вызывал восхищение и повышал интерес японского читателя к его творчеству. Такое редкое в мире положение активного принятия сочинений Бахтина в нашей стране было обусловлено следующими обстоятельствами: (1) в японском славяноведении уже была почва для понимания движения русских футуристов и основ литературоведения русских формалистов. Это и помогло скорому переводу сочинений Бахтина на японский язык. (2) Американский неокритицизм и французская семиотика (сочинения Т. Тодорова и Ж. Кристеевой) подготовили определенный слой читателей, которые могли понимать поднятые Бахтиным вопросы. (3) Амбивалентное отношение Бахтина к советскому структуральному литературоведению, которое начинало выдвигаться на первый план в начале 1960 годов. С этой точки зрения автор настоящей статьи исследует процесс принятия сочинений Бахтина в Японии.

著者

飛ヶ谷 美穂子

出版者

日本比較文学会

雑誌

比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, pp.137-151, 2010-03-31 (Released:2017-06-17)

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In Chap.14 of Soseki's Sorekara (And Then) it is related that Daisuke, the protagonist, was once given the nickname ‘arbiter elegantiarum' by Michiyo's brother. Although the term not only indicates Daisuke's character but also works as a keyword to the novel, its immediate source has not been identified so far. This Latin phrase literally means ‘a judge of matters of taste’, and its origin is traced back to Tacitus’ Annals, Bk.XVI, Chap.18, as ‘elegantiae arbiter’ , the epithet of Petronius, the consul elect and chosen companion of Nero. He is also known as the author of Satyricon, a marvellous piece of Menippean satire. Soseki's library includes five works with the phrase in the text: Life of Addison by Dr Johnson, A History of Criticism by Saintsbury, Quo Vadis by Sienkiewicz, Gryll Grange by T. L. Peacock, and The Picture of Dorian Gray by Oscar Wilde. Marginalia in these copies, as well as lectures and comments by Soseki, prove his close reading of them. Also he took much interest in the personality of Petronius, and was deeply impressed by his way of death depicted in the last chapter of Quo Vadis. It is to be noted that this novel and Sorekara show remarkable resemblance in some important passages. This paper aims to clarify what Soseki implied with the phrase in Sorekara, and to consider the influence of Quo Vadis, among others, on Soseki's portrayal of Daisuke as an ‘arbiter elegantiarum’ .

著者

韓 程善

出版者

日本比較文学会

雑誌

比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, pp.110-123, 2006-03-31 (Released:2017-06-17)

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The aim of this study is to analyze the impact that cinematic representative techniques had on Edogawa Rampo’s novels. Hitherto, critics tended to recognize the link between Rampo’s no\els and cinema merely because many of Rampo’s works were made into films. However, there has been little focused discourse on what specific effects cinema had on Rampo’s novels and how cinematic expression integrated into his literary style. I begin by describing the process in which cinema developed into an independent art form in the 1920s by conducting an investigation of a number of cinema houses that were newly established during this period. Through an analysis of articles written by literati in Japan during the 1920s I also show how rapid development in cinema influenced contemporary literary circles. Just as many writers were influenced by cinema, Rampo was also strongly drawn to cinema even before he became a writer; this study also reviews Rampo’s unpublished paper which reveals his unique inclination toward cinema that is an important clue to the effective interpretation of his novels. In order to support my argument, I proceed to reinterpret Rampo’s short novel, “Canal on Mars” by investigating the specific influences of cinematic expression that are evident in this short novel. Specifically, I show how “Canal on Mars” integrates the technique of the silent film into its text. I also prove how Rampo attempted to create cinematic expressions into his literary text by using the style of “prose poem.” For instance, Rampo effectively used metaphors in order to express physical “forms” which translated the cinema’s visual expressions into vivid literary representations. In the 1920s, when cinema emerged as a new art form in Japan, literary scholars began to recognize this new type of media as a source from which to experiment and develop new forms of literary expressions. Thus, adopting cinematic expressions into linguistic works became a characteristic phenomenon during this period. In conclusion, I argue that not only does the link between Rampo’s novels and films need to be studied further in order to nurture a more profound understanding of Rampo’s novels but by doing so it also provides an alternative method for examining the artistic interaction between literature and cinema in the 1920s.

著者

大東 和重

出版者

日本比較文学会

雑誌

比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, pp.23-38, 2002-03-31 (Released:2017-06-17)

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Tayama Katai's Futon, published in 1907, had created a great sensation in the literary world after the Russo-Japanese War. Futon was said to be the first work of “shi-shosetsu,” which is characterized by the confession of the author’'s own sexual life in a direct and simple manner. Fourteen years later, Yu Dafu’s Chen lun appeared in China, and this work also became a sensation overnight. Similar to Futon, Chen lun also brought about a craze of confession novels among the literary circle of young writers. Although no direct relation could be supposed, there exist various similarities between these two works which should not be disregarded. Yu Dafu had studied in Japan for eight years before he became a writer, and indulged in literature while he was in Japan. Previous researches have already clarified influences of Japanese literature on the creative process of Yu Dafu, but in this essay I describe the similarities between these two works, namely their formal structure and their positions in the context of literary history. Katai and Yu Dafu wrote Shojo-Byo and Yinghui-se de Si respectively, in which the heroes onto whom the authors projected themselves suddenly die from fancy for a girl. But in their next works, Futon and Chen lun, the story begins after the heroes’ love affairs have already ended, and the heroes (literary men, who are also are projected authors) to whom love was forbidden are depicted in an ironical manner. Until now many scholars have identified the protagonists with the authors; but if analyzed in detail, it can be understood that the protagonists are described in an objective manner. In these works the emphasis lies on the power of reason to control the instincts. This power enables these works to describe the complicated state of self-consciousness. Futon and Chen lun were written just the moment when the boundary between literature and non-literature was being drawn, and the great success of Futon and Chen lun had a great impact on the literary world because of the style of portraying self-consciousness.

著者

石本 岩根

出版者

日本比較文学会

雑誌

比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.19-29, 1963-11-10 (Released:2017-06-17)

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Yayoi no Uta by Nakajima Hirotari has been treated till today as a Dutch poem with no mention of the original poem and poet. But the writer of this article has found that this poem was originally written by Matthias Claudius, German poet (1740-1815) and was made public on May 14,1770 in Address-Cointoir-Nachirichten, edited by the poet himself. The original poem was entitled Mailied in four stanzas, the first two of which were translated as Yayoi no Uta. This translated poem is included in Nakajima’s journal of a trip to Nagasaki, which proves that this translation was made between June 2-16 in the Sixth Year of Bunsei, i. e. between July 9 and 23,1823 of the solar calendar. This was an event that took place some twenty days before the arrival of de Drie Gesusters with Dr. von Siebold on board, in the port of Nagasaki. Nakajima, poet and Japanese classical scholar, with no knowledge of Dutch and German, was at that time in Nagasaki as a tourist. It cannot be supposed that he had any ability of reading a poem written in those foreign languages. Therefore it could be concluded that, but for the request and help of Inomata Hisakage,official interpreter, the translation might not have been made. We should not neglect the important role he played.

著者

李 京僖

出版者

日本比較文学会

雑誌

比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, pp.111-114, 2016-03-31 (Released:2018-10-30)

著者

佐野 正人

出版者

日本比較文学会

雑誌

比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, pp.42-53, 1994-03-31 (Released:2017-06-17)

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In East Asia, the years between the late 1920’s and the early 30’s were, in the literary sense, a rare period during which a mutual synchronicity and living literary interchange among writers took place. The origin of this synchronicity was, on one hand, the growth of modern cities and their urban cultures in the 20’s, and on the other hand, the contemporary sympathy with the Chinese national revolution centering on the 5・30 incident in 1925. Around 1930 in Tokyo, Yokomitsu Riichi wrote the novel “Shanghai”,while Mao Tun wrote “The Twilight” in Shanghai. Yokomitsu’s “Shanghai”,staged at Shanghai’s International Settlement, conceived a new relationship of human beings and affairs, which was separated from the frame of the modern state. In distinction to this, Mao Tun’s “The Twilight”,staged also at Shanghai, described the circumstances wherein a modern state would fail owing to foreign capitals and the civil war in China. In other words, the two writers drew opposing images of the same object, Shanghai. At Keijo (Seoul) in the 1930’s, modernist writers, beginning with Yi Sang, took an active part in the Korean literary scene. Yi Sang’s modernist poems internalized Japanese modernist literature, yet formalized it and surpassed it. His poems and life show us an initial example of post-colonialism.

著者

硲 香文

出版者

日本比較文学会

雑誌

比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, pp.22-34, 1996-03-31 (Released:2017-06-17)

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With the exception of ‘Dai-Ichi-Ya’ or ‘The First Night’,in which the goal of ‘waiting’ is fulfilled, until now the overall theme of “Yume-Jū-Ya” or “Dreams of Ten Nights” has been construed as‘waiting in vain’. In this paper I will attempt a refutal of former studies on the subject, and redefine the story’s theme. Some scholars contend that “Yume-Jū-Ya” was written as a ghost story. Likewise, while numerous Chinese short stories of the Six Dynasties and of the Tang Dynasty, as well as some which appear in Liaozhaizhiyi, are considered rebirth stories, they are also classified as ghost stories. Each of the two characters in ‘Dai-Ichi-Ya’ makes a promise: the woman vows to return in one hundred years, and the man promises to wait for her. A similar scene appears in Liaozhaizhiyi’s “Liansuo” in which setting a fixed time, and a promise to wait, are considered necessary conditions for rebirth. Hence, if the living person in the pact does not wait for the dead person, the latter cannot carry out the promise to return. In ‘Dai-Ichi-Ya’,the man doubted the woman’s words,and yet when the lily appeared he took it to be the fulfillment of the promised return. In the work, the return did not symbolize the last step of her rebirth, but rather the end of their love affair. They meet again, only to separate. Meeting is separating, and thus the story ends with an ironic paradox. Therefore,the theme of “Yume-Jū-Ya” may be defined as ’wishes that fall short of expectations’.

著者

林 茜茜

出版者

日本比較文学会

雑誌

比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, pp.96-110, 2017-03-31 (Released:2020-04-01)

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“Birõdo no yume" (Dreams of Velvet, 1919) is one of Tanizaki Jun'ichirō's works that is set in China. The story was written after Tanizaki came back from a trip to China in 1918. Previous research has argued that the work is set not in actual China, but in Tanizaki's fantasy world. However, the story is not pure fantasy; the setting is modeled on the country villa “Luo Yuan" and main residence “Hardoon Garden," both built by Silas Aaron Hardoon, a British real estate mogul of Jewish descent, who was active in Shanghai at that time. The story's heroine, the concubine of Wen Xiuqing, is thought to be modeled on Luo Lirui, who was Hardoon's Chinese wife. Hardoon also had many years of experience in the opium trade. This paper suggests that Tanizaki disguised his desires under the pretense of interest in Hardoon's private garden, and compares his story with other literary works about opium addiction, such as Thomas De Quincy's Confessions of an English Opium-Eater (1821), Charles Baudelaire's Artificial Paradises (1860), and Satō Haruo's “Shimon" (Fingerprint, 1918). The paper highlights the actual conditions of the artificial garden that Tanizaki tried to create in “Birōdo no yume" and the dreams that he projected on China. Furthermore, at the same time this work was being serialized, Tanizaki was translating Théophile Gautier's work “Clarimonde" (1836) with Akutagawa Ryūnosuke. By examining the influence of “Clarimonde" on “Birōdo no yume," this essay also reveals Tanizaki's artistic interests at the time the story was written.

著者

林 叢

出版者

日本比較文学会

雑誌

比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, pp.35-48, 1990-03-31 (Released:2017-06-17)

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“Wild Grasses” by Lu Xun is a collection of prose poems, characterized by their highly symbolical style. Lu Xun took an interest in “The Seventh Night” of “Ten Nights of Dreams” by Soseki Natsume. Its influence can be seen in the work, “A Traveler” in Lu Xun’s book. “A Traveler” and “The Seventh Night” share a similarity in their descriptions of such things as the trip to the West and infinite space. Lu Xun translated Hakuson Kuriyagawa’s comments on literature, which led him again to focus his attention on Soseki and his works. However, “The Seventh Night” elaborates on the anxieties human beings have concerning their existence in modern society, while “A Traveler” describes the will of human beings struggling to find a way of life and a future path for society, in the face of suppression by the old establishment. A difference can be seen here in the two authors’ viewpoints, and Lu Xun’s positive approach can also be seen in his acceptance of Soseki and his works.

著者

増田 裕美子

出版者

日本比較文学会

雑誌

比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, pp.94-107, 2014-03-31 (Released:2018-05-26)

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Sorekara (And Then) by Natsume So-seki was published in the Asahi Shimbun in 1909. In this novel lilies appear as a symbol of the heroine, Michiyo. With the exception of several waka poems compiled in the 8th century Man’yōshū, however, lilies are not seen in traditional Japanese literature. In Meiji Era lilies reappeared in Ozaki Ko-yo-’s Konjiki yasha (The Golden Demon), which was written during 1897-1903. In the dream of her lover, the novel’s heroine, Miya, drowns and is transformed into a lily (yuri). Though the main original source, Weaker Than a Woman by Bertha M. Clay, does not include important descriptions of lilies, Dora Thorne, another novel by the same author, contains many meaningful scenes with lilies. In this paper, I discuss how Ko-yo- changed the meaning of lilies by drawing on an analysis of these scenes described above. While three kinds of lilies appear in Dora Thorne―lilies (yuri), lilies of the valley (suzuran), and water lilies (suiren)―Ko-yo-, who did not know the difference between them, was under the misconception that western lilies grew in the water or by the waterside. Because of this misunderstanding he made lilies symbols of rejected women like Ophelia in Hamlet, who drowns in the river. So-seki utilized this symbolism in Sorekara when the protagonist Daisuke puts lilies into the water of the vase. That act symbolizes Michiyo’s drowning, that is to say, the fact that he rejected Michiyo in the past.

著者

権 保慶

出版者

日本比較文学会

雑誌

比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, pp.9-22, 2021-03-31 (Released:2022-04-30)

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Chiheisen (1955) is the first collection of poetry by KIM Si-jong (1929-), a Korean resident in Japan writing poetry in Japanese. It consists of two parts. According to Kim, the second part is composed of what he calls “things more Korean than what foreigners could articulate in Japanese."Kim used two poetic methods to change ‘things Korean' into ‘things more Korean.' Firstly, he used images closely related to Korea, such as Chima, Jindallae, and hometown scenery, not in the conceptual framework to arouse emotional feelings but in the context of reality. This unconventional method is derived from ONO Tōzaburō's Shiron (1947) that condemned traditional Japanese poetry and described that lyric poetry is ‘criticism', not ‘feelings'. Kim, who had admired Japanese poetry during the Japanese colonial rule, was greatly influenced by his work.Secondly, Kim adapted some lines from modern Korean poetry into historical events such as the Massacre of Koreans during the Great Kanto Earthquake and the Korean War. Kim insists that modern Korean poetry was formed based on ‘Japanese naturalism as aesthetics' under the Japanese colonial rule. Moreover, some borrowings were taken in the way of dissimilating KIM So-un's Chōsen Shishū (1940, 1943, 1953, 1954), an anthology of modern Korean poetry translated into Japanese in the seven-five meter. Kim had been a devoted reader of Chōsen Shishū during the colonial period.This paper will explore how ‘things more Korean' indicates decolonization of ‘things Korean' including Kim himself from ‘things Japanese.'

著者

大嶋 仁

出版者

日本比較文学会

雑誌

比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, pp.67-78, 1980-12-25 (Released:2017-06-17)

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Nous essayons ici d’éclaircir le sens idéologique de l’homicide dans la littérature moderne, choisissant comme exemples “L’ETRANGER” (Albert Camus, 1942) et “LE CRIME DE HAN” (Naoya Shiga,1913). Ces deux oeuvres littéraires ont un sujet commun : l’homicide involontaire et irrationel. Nous voulons comparer les deux crimes pour trouver des idées derrière eux. La ressemblance que nous trouvons entre les deux homicides littéraires est qu’ils ont été produits de la fatigue extrême du corps de chaque criminel. Surtout est-elle remarquable lorsqu’on compare les descriptions du crime : Tout mon être s’est tendu et j’ai crispé ma main sur le revolver. La gâchette acédé, J’ai touché le ventre poli de la crosse et c’est là, dans le bruit à la fois sec et assourdissant, que tout a commencé. J’ai secoué la sueur et le soleil. (“L’ETRANGER”)et j’ai eu comme une sorte d’étourdissement. Pourtant, j’ai fini par lancer — de toutes mes forces — le couteau que j’avais dans la main, au jugé, sans voir la cible, dans le noir pour ainsi dire. (LE CRIME DE HAN”)Dans touts les deux cas, le crime s’est produit comme si le corps du meurtrier avait marché tout indépendant de sa volonté. Et, à notre avis, cette ressemblance signifie le point de vue commun aux deux écrivains : la prédominance du corps sur toute chose. Pourtant, nous ne pouvons pas ne pas remarquer la différence d’expression entre les deux écrivains; Camus essaie avant tout d’exprimer le crime comme une révolte contre toute valorisation sociale, tandis que Shiga l’exprime comme une manifestation d’un être transcendant qui domine le corps humain. Nous supposons que cette différence dérive de celle de leurs civilisations. Or, en ce qui concerne des rapports entre Camus et Shiga, nous pouvons dire que c’est par l’intermédiaire de Nietzsche que les deux puissent s’associer; on sait trop bien l’influence de ce philosophe allemand sur Camus; et l’écrivain japonais, dans sa jeunesse, a trouvé certaine affinité entre ses idées et celles de Nietzsche telles que : Le corps est raison — une grande raison. (“AINSI PARLAIT ZARATHOUSTRA”)

著者

菊池 有希

出版者

日本比較文学会

雑誌

比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, pp.34-48, 2005-03-31 (Released:2017-06-17)

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In the Meiji period, Byron was one of the most popular English poets in Japan. Byron or Byronism exerted an influence over many Japanese writers of the time, among whom was Izumi Kyôka. “Cain”, one of Byron’s most famous metaphysical dramas, was translated into Japanese by Kimura Yôtarô in 1907. Kimura was a chauvinist who reacted against Christianity. In his preface to the translation, he identified his own antipathy toward Christianity with Cain’s rejection of God, so much that this led to an overrepresentation of Cain’s sensibility toward beauty in his translation. Kimura believed that the problem of beauty in “Cain” should be concerned with the problem of anti-Christianity, one of the key aspects of Byronism. Hagoshi Akira, the hero of “Kusameikyû” [“The Glassy Labyrinth”] (1908), is a young man who is very sensitive to beauty. In several concrete ways Akira’s sensibility to beauty and his behavior resemble that of Cain as depicted by Kimura in his translation. There are also many similarities between “Cain” and “Kusameikyû” in terms of the beauty of supernatural images. From such evidence,I suppose that “Kusameikyû” was influenced by “Cain” via the medium of Kimura’s translation. In “Kusameikyû”,the theme of antipathy is conspicuously absent, suggesting that perhaps Kyôka is only interested in the problem of beauty in “Cain”,and not in the issue of anti-Christianity. Kyôka’s reception of Byron without Byronism, in which he simply enjoys the representations of beauty in Kimura’s translation of “Cain”,may well be unique among Japanese writers.

著者

梶谷 崇

出版者

日本比較文学会

雑誌

比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, pp.98-101, 2016-03-31 (Released:2018-10-30)