著者

木下 毅

出版者

国際基督教大学

雑誌

国際基督教大学学報. II-B, 社会科学ジャーナル = The Journal of Social Science (ISSN:04542134)

巻号頁・発行日

no.9, pp.101-120, 1970-07-30

著者

有賀 貞

出版者

国際基督教大学社会科学研究所

雑誌

国際基督教大学学報. II-B, 社会科学ジャーナル = The Journal of Social Science (ISSN:04542134)

巻号頁・発行日

no.5, pp.169-199, 1964-09-30

著者

近藤 健 コンドウ ケン

出版者

国際基督教大学社会科学研究所

雑誌

社会科学ジャ-ナル (ISSN:04542134)

巻号頁・発行日

no.35, pp.1-19, 1997-01

---

Populism and nationalism have come to the forefrontof Amencan political discoursein the post-Cold War period. For example, Michael Lind's recent book, The NextAmerican Nation, in which he argues for an interracial America based on nationalismand interracial populist majority coalition building, has been widely reviewed anddiscussed.Why populism and nationalism now? Behind these arguments, there is acommon recognition that the United States now faces the critical problems of a deepening racial cleavage, a widening income gap that is leading to middle class decline,and a sense that without change, American society is going to disintegrate Criticshave emerged who consider multiculturalism elitist, and instead propose transracialnational identity with vernacular American culture. They argue for a rekindling ofupward mobility for the working class and the protection of middle class income by restricting immirgration and managed trade (economic natronalism and populism).Those arguments are surely debatable. They are to a certain extent persuasive, however, for the critics have shown that the Democratic and Republican parties are notresponsive, or cannot find effctive policies, for these problems, and the traditionalliberal-conservative paradigm is no longer workable. Whether a new majority coalition based on economic populism and nationalism will be realized or not, populistand nationalist sentiments wrll affect American politics and external affairs in thepos-Cold War era.

著者

寺田 麻佑

出版者

国際基督教大学

雑誌

社会科学ジャーナル = The Journal of Social Science (ISSN:04542134)

巻号頁・発行日

no.82, pp.47-71, 2016-09-30

---

Privatization generally means the transfer of ownership or business fromthe governmental organization to the private company and there are manymethods to exercise ‘privatization’.We have to think carefully and deeply on the methods of privatizationalong with the risk and the ways of responsibility that the government andlocal governments should take. It is because methods of privatization are thekey to think of the ways, fields and frameworks of providing services by thecentral and local governments.This paper takes up airport privatization among many fields whereprivatization becomes an issue. After looking at several countries’ privatizationsituations of airports from a viewpoint of legal system (mainly Japan, the U.S.,the U.K. and Germany), it considers the nature of the system and ways ofpreferable controlling of the airports.Currently in 2016, privatization of airports is progressing in Japan. Forexample, privatization of Kansai International Airport and Itami Airportwas carried out and they are operated as privatized airports from this April.Plus, Sendai Airport has also been privatized early this year and the newcompany which was founded by the new management rights holder is goingto run the airport from this June. In addition to above, there are many otherconsiderations of privatization are currently done for other airports.Therefore, this paper looks at the methods and risk of privatization ofairports. In particular, what kind of approaches are adopted as methods ofprivatization of airports, what kind of legal risks the methods would holdare to be considered by comparing other countries’ methods and cases ofprivatization of airports. Then the indication for future consideration on thelegal methods and risks of privatization of airports of Japan and other countriesare compared and basis for future consideration will be examined.This paper first introduces the methods to privatize the airports andconsider the ways of privatization of airports. Then this paper will look at theactual cases of other countries where privatization of the airport actually wassuccessful and not successful. Finally, this paper considers and analyzes therisk of the governments how they should take the responsibility to guaranteethe outcome or service by thinking of the methods of the privatization ofairports which currently is also progressing in Japan on the comparison of thelegal systems of that of other countries.

著者

Didvalis Linas

出版者

国際基督教大学

雑誌

社会科学ジャーナル = The Journal of Social Science (ISSN:04542134)

巻号頁・発行日

no.77, pp.79-99, 2014-03-31

---

The forestry industry in Fukushima is in a difficult position becauseradioactive contamination was spread over large areas during the accident at theDaiichi nuclear power plant. Forests inside the evacuation zone cannot be usedfor timber production, nor can they be properly maintained. Outside theevacuation zone, the forestry industry has been damaged by warnings aboutradioactive pollution, tests that showed their products were not suitable forconsumption, and distrust among consumers about the safety of Fukushima’sforests, all of which has led to a drop in prices.There is no quick and easy way to repair the damage. Although thegovernment has pledged to implement the Polluter Pays Principle (PPP) bydeclaring that the Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) is liable for thefinancial costs of the accident, governmental regulations only require the ownerof the nuclear power plant to be responsible for certain economic costs, with therest to be left for future consideration. As a result, forestry concerns are not onan equal footing with human environments or agriculture. Two and a half yearsafter the accident, there are still no criteria for how to evaluate damage tostanding forests, no plans to start forest decontamination, and no flexibility forindividual forest owners to decide which type of damage restoration isappropriate for their forest.In this article, I argue that implementation of the PPP for the radioactivecontamination of Fukushima’s forests has several major limitations. Theselimitations must be overcome if just compensation is to be made to theforest owners, workers in the forestry industry, and the residents ofFukushima. However, as TEPCO already finds itself in a very difficultfinancial position, implementing a comprehensive compensation mechanismfor forest damage may well be too much for the company to manage; theoutcome would be that pollution damage compensation is eventually paidby the forest owners themselves or covered by taxpayers’ money. If thatoccurs, the difficulty in applying the PPP in Fukushima’s case will becomean additional strong argument against the use of nuclear power.

著者

Yamaguchi Hiroshi

出版者

国際基督教大学

雑誌

社会科学ジャーナル (ISSN:04542134)

巻号頁・発行日

no.53, pp.57-75, 2004-09

著者

石生義人

出版者

国際基督教大学

雑誌

国際基督教大学学報. II-B, 社会科学ジャーナル (ISSN:04542134)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, pp.31-52, 2004-03-31

著者

前田幸男

出版者

国際基督教大学

雑誌

国際基督教大学学報. II-B, 社会科学ジャーナル (ISSN:04542134)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, pp.149-171, 2006-03-31

著者

萩原 優騎

出版者

国際基督教大学

雑誌

国際基督教大学学報. II-B, 社会科学ジャーナル (ISSN:04542134)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, pp.205-223, 2007-03

---

The concept "paradigm" has been used in many research areas since Thomas Kuhn used it in his book The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. However, as this concept was applied to various areas, its critical meanings in philosophy of science tended to be lost. The aim of this paper is to reconsider paradigm theory and deepen an understanding about it in relation with social anthropology and Lacanian psychoanalysis. Paradigm is necessary to form a scientific community, where scientists study following shared models. It brings about the stable situation of community which Kuhn called normal science. Kenelm Burridge called the subject in this situation the person. According to Burridge, the person is a result of socialization, which is necessary for the subject to become a member of society. From a viewpoint of Lacanian psychoanalysis, it means to enter the symbolic order. The subject follows this order, and it makes him/her stable because the symbolic controls the imaginary which is a dimension of the identity of ego. The imaginary conceals the lack of a basis of the symbolic, and then the stability of daily life is maintained and reproduced. When this stability is shaken, a chance of paradigm change comes. However, paradigm does not change easily even if irregular cases which are not consistent with a given paradigm appear. Paradigm changes only when its instability reaches the limit where the balance of its system cannot be maintained. This deadlock of symbolization is the real. The person can become the individual who is a creative ignition to change a given tradition, when he/she meets the real. Conversely, the individual cannot come into existence without the person; the real cannot be recognized retroactively as a miss of perfect symbolization until symbolic order is formed. Paradigm change is a change of referent. The subject can compare different paradigms, but he/she cannot understand them perfectly. If he/she can do so, paradigm A which he/she belongs to should be equal to paradigm B which he/she recognizes as a different paradigm. He/she cannot avoid distortion of understanding, which is called incommensurability. When he/she recognizes something as an incommensurable object, this object is object a as a remainder of the real. It is a structural gap of his/her imaginary identity or a mirror of nothing where he/she meets the real. He/she as the individual can recognize this object as the real, but he/she as the person cannot do so because the imaginary usually conceals a structural lack of the symbolic by putting the object as an object of fantasy on the gap. The individual transcends a given paradigm through such processes, then he/she accepts the lack of a basis of the symbolic. However, he/she does not leave the symbolic because the subject cannot exist without the symbolic. Because of this psychoanalytic structure, he/she cannot help accepting his/her structural limit and trying to symbolize the real again. A new paradigm appears here through a process of symbolization. To symbolize consistently, theorization is necessary; he/she uses a theory as a frame of reference to see consistently. Even if he/she symbolizes successfully, this is not a goal. He/she has a lack of the symbolic, which guarantees him/her structurally to continue self-critical praxis.

著者

松谷 邦英

出版者

国際基督教大学

雑誌

国際基督教大学学報. II-B, 社会科学ジャーナル (ISSN:04542134)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, pp.267-286, 2007-03

---

This essay attempts to explore Rene Girard's theory of violence while paying particular attention to the theme of "violence and political philosophy." Although Girard's works have had a wide influence on various academic fields, they have received little response from political theory or political philosophy. The basic purpose of the present paper is twofold: 1) to shed some light on Girard's theoretical insight which is based on his mimetic theory, and 2) to show that his theory of violence, particularly seen from a political standpoint, has some serious drawbacks in consequence of the mimetic theory. First, I will skeletonize Girard's theory of violence and point out some of its characteristics. The analysis of mimetic desire, on which Girard constructs an "anthropological" theory of sacrificial violence, enables us to gain multitiered and comprehensive understanding of human violence. Second, I will go on to examine how Girard's theory is connected to his diagnosis on modernity. It will be argued that Girard has an ambiguous comprehension of the nature of modern democratic society, since modernity both increases and decreases the potential energy of mimetic violence. I will show that Girard's perspective, especially his critical understanding of the modern jurisprudence, has something in common with W. Benjamin's critique of violence, yet does not lead us to a political critique of violence. Third, I will critically examine why Girard's theoretical construct is lacking in viewpoint that is required for any political critique of violence. This lack, I contend, can be explained by the basic nature of his mimetic theory. 1) Mimetic theory is potent enough to explain "interdividual"as well as intracommunal violence, but not intercommunal violence. 2) The logic of "the political" is absent from the Girardian perspective on human relations. This is why Girard tends toward "overcoming" of antagonism itself, but not to "politics" as in the sense of "taming" antagonism. 3) Mimetic theory, which mainly focuses on the symmetrical aspect of human desire, is unable to address properly the question of domination and subordination implicit in asymmetrical relations.

著者

谷口 龍子

出版者

国際基督教大学

雑誌

国際基督教大学学報. II-B, 社会科学ジャーナル (ISSN:04542134)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, pp.189-201, 2007-03

---

Apology and thanking are the speech acts performed in relative frequency in daily encounters, and each act possesses their own distinctive features. This study examines typical expressions of apology and thanking in Chinese language from the perspectives of subject-expression relation and discourse function. Many of the previous studies on the topic feature English usage in their analysis of speech act. However, in the case of Chinese, the utterance of the expressions of apology and thanking does not necessarily translate as the accomplishment of the act. With this in sight, this paper aims at analysing expression, subject, and discourse function of apology and thanking in Chinese languages. Similarity and difference in the corresponding expressions in Chinese, Japanese, and English are examined with references to the existing studies, together with film and TV drama scripts and the transcripts of recorded conversations as data sources. "Buhaoyisi", a Chinese expression concerning the loss of "face" which is customarily translated 'I am embarrassed', shares functional similarity with Japanese word, "sumimasen", as both expressions are commonly employed to convey "the speaker's gratitude towards the listener in situations that require apology or thanking. However, the underlying rhetoric of the apology/thanking continuity in these expressions shows considerable difference; with "buhaoyisi", it is the assessment on the "face" of the speaker alone that supports its function, while with "sumimasen" it is the duplexity of the gain and loss between the speaker and listener. In other words, "buhaoyisi" is self-oriented in a sense that its intended function is derived from the admittance of the speaker's own loss of "face", while "sumimasen" is other-oriented and derives its function from the acknowledgement of the listener's loss of convenience etc. as the speaker's gain. Chinese expressions of thanking often appear as part of the request-making discourse, or as response to the consenting reply; thus, thanking is made in anticipation of the listener's future conduct. This kind of use suggests the speaker's intention for reducing the chance of being declined. Chinese thanking expression also function as the ending mark of conversation or text. "Xiexie hezuo" (meaning 'thank you for your cooperation') that appear at the end of the notices and Bulletins in Taiwanese public and commercial quarters may be interpreted as a sign of ending as well as an expression of gratitude to accompany requests. The self-orientation and the continuous apology/thanking spectrum found in the rhetoric of "buhaoyisi" reveals the inadequacy of the present theoretical framework based on the binary concept on apology and thanking as prevalent in European languages. Also, the comparatively high frequency of the appearance of thanking expressions in comparison to apology-making expressions suggests that thanking expressions bear complex functions to accomplish multiple tasks in Chinese. Our next step would be an attempt to establish a new theoretical framework on apology and thanking through further study on the expressions concerned and their pragmatic functions in details.

著者

安田 雪 安田 雪

出版者

International Christian University (国際基督教大学)

雑誌

社会科学ジャ-ナル (ISSN:04542134)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.2, pp.p91-105, 1991-11