著者
岸畑 豊
出版者
大阪大学
雑誌
大阪大學文學部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, pp.151-332, 1968-10-30

Thomas Hobbes, who lived an eventful life in the turbulent days of the Puritan Revolution, is a problematic philosopher; indeed, he had much concern about social and political affairs of those days. The present paper, however, aims to study Hobbes solely as a ture philosopher, and the reason for this concentration is, simply, that an accurate appreciation of his thoughts as a whole necessarily presupposes a full understanding of his philosophical foundations. The present study is mainly concerned with two basic problems in his philosophy. Hobbes names all objects of his philosophy 'corpus' (body). I should like to pay attention to this fact. What is meant by 'body', which is the sole object of his whole philosophy?-this is the first problem, i.e. the first point to be brought under examination. And then, how is his philosophy of man and common-wealth to be interpreted, on the basis of the result of that examination? This is the second problem. By his definition, philosophy (that is to say, science in general) is nothing but the correct ratiocination of reason, advancing from the diverse phenomena (natural or social ) or effects, to their causes, i.e. the things, and vice versa. Whenever an event unfolds itself before us, it is supposed that there must have been some things which have given rise to it. His philosophy intends seek after its causes. However, 'body', which his philosophy seeks, is neither the thing in itself nor its phenomenon, but just a being, such that it is ratiocinated and supposed by reason, which analyses this phenomenon with the view to finding its causes according to its own logic; or a being known by the names of'suppositum' and 'subjectum'. Suppositum or subjectum may be considered as a certain being supposed by reason under a phenomenon and, at the same time, in substitution for the thing in itself, so as to comprehend and account for that phenomenon. This is the true object of his philosophy, and here is a key to solve the riddles in his notorious materialism. According to this nature of body, we come to realize, therefore, that by the word 'man' is menat a body, to which some human 'accidentia' (accidents) are ascribed, and by 'common-wealth', literally, a body politic. There are, however, some notable differences between man and other natural beings. Man necessarily lives under certain social conditions, it is true, but he may, on occasions, endeavour to erect a desirable society working togather with their fellows. Man, in this sense, may be considered as a person. Now, 'person' is, in its original sense, a mask worn by an actor on the stage, and, in its transferred meaning, an actor himself, who personates himself or others and acts according to his assigned principles. If left in a state of nature, men must personate themselves, and act like wolves killing one another, from which state men necessarily hope to flee. They ardently desire to have a peaceful common-wealth set up, where they are expected to act as virtuous citizens. A common-wealth is, in his opinion, an artificial man established by the people, and a sovereign also is an artificial person, who, as an actor, stands for the citizens. The main contents of his philosophy of man and common-wealth are, in my opinion, composed of great dramas, depicting a progress of human beings from the state of nature to a peaceful state. We may find the original archetype of these dramas in the grand epic 'Exodus' in the Holy Scriptures. His philosophy of man and common-wealth, therefore, should be regarded, I conclude, as a philosophical theory of this great human emancipation. There still remain two problems, concerning which there have been no established theories as yet. The state of nature is described by him as 'Bellum omnium contra omnes' (a war of every man against every man). What does this description mean ? This is the first problem. To this there have been given several answers, indeed, but very few that are satisfactory. He thereby intends, I believe, to point out the radical evil of man, that is to say, the Original Sin of modern people. In spite of our belief in the modern rationality of the human behaviours, we ought to learn here about the irrational activities of man in modern times. And Hobbes has usually been blamed for his theory of Absolutism. What is meant by the aboslute sovereignty? This is the second point that remains unsolved. It is, of course, unreasonable to think that he did try to defend the Kings of those days in any way. We should rather say that his strange theory of the absolute sovereignty must be explicated as a logical consequence of the irrational activities of man mentioned above. A man, who shudders at the monster 'Leviathan', is really tormented by his radical evil that exists in himself. We should find here, in this point, the radical irrationality and other difficulties inherent in the modern state. The conclusion of this study is, in a word, that Hobbes was a true philosopher who had a deep insight into man and his relations in modern times. If we are to discuss the basic problems in modern philosophy and ethics more or less fundamentally, then we should remember that his philosophy, as the origin of these disciplines, deserves our snecial attention and is well worth our serious studies and re-examinations.
著者
森 三樹三郎
出版者
大阪大学
雑誌
大阪大學文學部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, pp.223-328, 1954-03-25

This is a report of the overseas research project "Field Research on Japanese Language and Culture Remaining in the Former Japanese Mandate Pacific Islands", supported by a Ministry of Education Scientific Research Grant (International Grant, Satoshi Toki, representative), 1994-1996.
著者
守屋 美都雄
出版者
大阪大学
雑誌
大阪大學文學部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, pp.45-113, 1954-03-25

1. Introduction. 2. Critique of the text in the Shuo-fu (説郛), edited by T'ao T'ing (陶梃) oi the Ming Dynasty (明代). 3. Critique of the text in tire Pao-yen-t'ang Pi-chi (寶顔堂秘笈)> edited by Ch'en Chi-ju (陳繼需) of the Ming Dynasty (明代). 4. Re-presentation of the original form of the Ching-ch'u Sui-shih-chi (〓楚歳時記). 5. Conclusion. The ChingcWu Sui-shih-chi (〓楚歳時記), originally complied by Tsung Lin (宗懍) in the Liang Dynasty (梁代) was a description of annual functions held around the middle basin of the Yang-tse-kiang (揚子江) at that time, and therefore ontains many traditions and records of the manners and customs of old China. Afterwards, during the Sui Dynasty (隋代), Tu Kung-shan (杜公贍) recomplied the said work, adding more descriptions, as well as his own notes, until its enriched contents looked like a sort of encyclopedia dealing with ceremonies throughout the year. However, it is a great regret for all persons concerned that this valuable piece of work by Tsung Lin was seldom looked at in the 10th century and is thought to have wholly disappeared from the world by the beginning of the 13th century. Meanwhile, Tu Kung-shan's revised annotation is widely believed to have been lost in the 13th century also, but I believe there still remain some points to be discussed in this connection. As a matter of fact, a rather good text of the Ching-ctiu Sui-shih-chi did exist in A.D. 1370, with the styles and forms proper to the original work retained to some extent. Regarding the texts of this work in our possession today, they can be divided,into two strains, and we can trace their respective sources: one is contained in a series named Pao-yen-fang Pi-chi (寶顔堂秘笈), complied by Ch'en Chi-ju (陳繼儒) of the Ming Dynasty (明代) and the other in a series named Shuo-fu (説郛)> complied by T'ao T'ing (陶〓) and completed under the same dynasty. These texts, according to prevailing opinion, are nothing but a combination of fragments of the Ching-ch'u Sui-shih-chi during the quoted in similar books of encyclopedic style written in the Tang and Sung Dynasties (唐宋時代). Yet, I have a somewhat different opinion, and should say that texts of the Pao yen-fang Pi-chi derived from th3 abovementioned text existed in A.D. 1370. Also, based upon the same text the Shuo ftc was composed, I believe. Here, it must be added that it is thought that the' Shuo-fu was supplemented by those fragments quoted in the T'ang and Sung encyclopedias. In this treatise, I have tried to re-present the original form of this text as exactly as possible, and two ways were taken to reach this end. Throughout the first part, corrections and supplements are made to the texts of the Pao-yen-V ang Pi-chi, referring to the original of the Pao yen-fang Pi-chi, and to changes, interpolations, omissions, etc., which were made while these texts were being copied one after another for generations. Next, in the second part, 54 articles of the above fragments have been shown. In fact, necessary materials, both Chinese and Japanese, were very useful, in discovering and collecting them. In so doing, I was happy to be able to detect meny omissions in the text of the Pao yen-fang Pi-chi. On the other hand, some descriptions were found mistakenly introduced in the materials as those of the Ching-ctiu-sui Shih-chi and therefore I closely examined each article as to wh3ther it was genuine or not. In the meantime, despite all my efforts, it was quite difficult to distinguish Tsung Lin's passages from Tu Kung-shan's notes, for which I am very sorry. However, if this little essay of mine can be of any help and service to the future progress of the study of Chinese folk-lore, I shall certainly be very happy.

2 0 0 0 OA 伊藤仁斎研究

著者
子安 宣邦
出版者
大阪大学
雑誌
大阪大學文學部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.26, pp.A1-196, 1986-03-29
著者
森安 孝夫
出版者
大阪大学
雑誌
大阪大學文學部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.31, pp.1-250, 1991-08-10
著者
田中 健二
出版者
大阪大学
雑誌
大阪大學文學部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, pp.133-252, 1963-03-25

Bei der vorliegenden Arbeit handelt es sich um Herders Leben und seine Literaturansicht in der Weimarer Zeit. Wie bei meiner ehemaligen Arbeit fiber den jungen Herder habe ich auch hier Herders Dasein und seine Arbeiten und Vorstellungsweisen auf Grund seiner eigenen Schriften und der auf ihn bezuglichen Briefe und andern Quellen darzustellen versucht. Daher bildet die vorliegende Abhandlung eine Fortsetzung zur obengenannten Arbeit, deren Titel "Der junge Herder und seine Ansicht iiber die Literatur" (vgl. Memoirs of the Faculty of Literature Osaka University, Vol. V. March 1957) heiβt. Herders Weimarer Zeit habe ich nach den meisten deutschen Literaturhistorikern in zwei Perioden geteilt: die Zeit vor der Italien-Reise und die nach der Italien-Reise. Und das erste Kapitel behandelt die erstere, das zweite die letztere. Das kommt aber nicht davon, daβ die Reise fur die Entwicklung des Herderschen Geistes irgendeine wesentliche Bedeutung hat, sondern nur davon, daβ seine auf die Literatur bezuglichen Arbeiten konzentrisch zur Zeit vor der Reise erschienen sind. Da seine Italien-Reise selbst, von der Goethes ganz verschieden, fur seine Geistesentwicklung nicht von Bedeutung ist, so ist kein positiver Grund vorhanden, sie zum Periodisierungsmittel zu machen. Deswegen ist hier die Darstellung von Herders Italien-Reise weggelassen worden. Die zwei oder drei Jahre vor seinem Tode ausgenommen, stand Herder sein ganzes Leben hindurch in engem Verhaltnisse zu Goethe, sei es positiver oder negativer Art gewesen. Somit spielen diese beider Beziehungen auch in der vorliegenden Abhandlung mit Recht eine sehr wichtige Rolle. Da aber vom Hohepunkt der Herderschen schriftstellerischen Tatigkeit, d.h. vom Zeitabschnitt, in demdie Freundschaft zwischen Herder und Goethe dank dem Ineinandergreifen ihrer Gedanken ihren Gipfel erreichte, schon in dem Aufsatz mit dem Titel "Goethes und Herders Zusammenleben in Weimar bis zu Herders Italien-Reise" (vgl. Goethe-Jahrbuch III. Bd. 1961, hrg. v. "Goethe-Gesellschaft in Japan") gehandelt wurde, so habe ich hier nicht wiederholt, was dort alles gesagt wurde. Statt dessen habe ich versucht, auf seine vorweimarische Zeit zuruckgehend im Zusammenhang mit dem (Teutschen Merkur) seine Beziehungen zu Wieland, der es zeitlebens gut mit ihm meinte, moglichst getreu darzustellen. Und dann nehme ich aus seinen zahlreichen Arbeiten die folgenden Abhandlungen als mustergultige fur seine damalige Ansicht uber die Literatur auf : "Volkslieder", "Von Ahnlichkeit der mittleren englischen und deutschen Dichtkunst", "Das Hohelied Salomonis-Lieder der Liebe", "Uber den Emfliiβ der Dichtkunst auf die Sitten der Volker in alten und neuen Zeiten", "Vom Geist der ebraischen Poesie" und einige Aufsatze uber die Literatur in den ersten drei Sammlungen der "Zerstreuten Blatter" etc., um das Wesen des Herderschen Gedankens zu erforschen. Dabei habe ich sowohl die Entstehungsgeschichte dieser Abhandlungen als auch die wichtigen Fragen aufzuhellen versucht: In welcher Art ist der Begriff "Volkslied", der von seiner Jugendzeit an fur ihn der wichtigste ist, auf sie angewandt? Inwiefern sieht er die Bibel als em Urbild der Dichtuhg, ja fur eine echte Dichtung an? Wie kam es dazu, daβ er Epigramm und Fabel als Dichtungen anerkannte ? Zugleich damit wird dargestellt, wie seine Auseinandersetzung mit Lessing auch noch damals zur Aufrollung seiner eigenen literarischen-Probleme nicht wenig beigetragen hat. Im zweiten Kapitel ist von Herders letzten Jahren nach der Italien-Reise die Rede. Hier ist hauptsachlich iiber seine Abneigung gegen den Weimarer Hof, seine Begeisterung fur die Franzosische Revolution, den von Goethes und Schillers Freundschaftsbundnis verursachten Zwiespalt zwischen Herder und Goethe, seine Verfechtung der Moral und des Humanismus, seinen Streit gegen Kant, seine freundschaftliche Beziehung mit Jean Paul und sein literarisches Streben in seinem allerletzten Jahren etc. gehandelt worden. Nach der Italien-Reise hatte er wenig mit dem Literarischen zu tun, und uns ist nur noch -bekannt, daβ er durch seine letzten Werke, "Adrastea" und den "Cid", noch einmal auf dem Wege der ErschlieJβung und Ubersetzung fremder Literaturwerke war. Es ist also keineswegs dem Zufall, sondern dem zielbewuBten Versuche zuzuschreiben, daβ die Beschreibung des zweiten Kapitels im Vergleich mit der des ersten sehr einfach geworden ist. Denn das Hauptaugenmerk dieser Arbeit ist auf die Darstellung und Erschlieβung der Herderschen Literaturbetrachtung gelegt.
著者
相原 信作
出版者
大阪大学文学部
雑誌
大阪大学文学部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
no.14, pp.25-40, 1968-10
著者
梅渓 昇
出版者
大阪大学文学部
雑誌
大阪大学文学部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
no.8, pp.77-273, 1961-11

'Gunjin chokuyu' was not only the moral support for modern Japanese military forces, but also together with 'Kyoiku chokugo' (教育勅語) the ideological support for the modern Japan-a 'tennosei kokka' (天皇制国家) with its dualistic state organization of 'kokutani' (国体) and 'rikkensei' (立憲制)-from the Meiji era down to the defeat of Japan in World War II. A study on the drafting of 'Gunjin chokuyu' of such historical significance was something entirely undreamt of. in prewar days, important as it was, on account of the lapse of academic freedom under the control of 'tennosei kokka', leading to total suppression, on the part of the military authorities, of the source of 'Gunjin chokuyu', defying whatever inquiry into the subject. Such being the case, the students at that time had to content themselves with a bare investigation of 'seishi' (聖旨) of the Emperor Meiji. As the result, their historical studies on the source arid process of drafting were nothing but nominal, because they had to go without any reference to the political and authoritarian implications in 'Gunjin chokuyu'. Indeed, those pre-war studies had to be carried out, quite independent of the political elements contributing to the absolute supremacy of that 'Chokuyu'. This is not the case with 'Meiji kempo' (明治憲法) or 'Kyoiku chokugo'; for the fundamental materials of the latter two were generally open to the public, and the precess of drafting of the two was actually being investigated even before the war. So much the less has been the fruit of the studies of 'Gunjin chokuyu'. The present writer has been fortunate enough to get access to the fundamental materials of 'Gunjin chokuyu', and in view of these extant conditions, has undertaken to study afresh all kinds of circumstances leading to the drafting of 'chokuyu' and political backgrounds of the drafting, and to clarify all the internal circumstances attending to the course of drafting, and furthermore to throw light on the historical meaning of the coming into being of 'chokuyu'. A study of the origin of 'Gunjin chokuyu' is indispensable in the history of the foundation of modern Japanese military, and particularly in making clear its characteristics, and at the same time, as 'chokuyu' had a great influence upon political, social and thought evolution of modern Japan, embodying as it did the ideas of 'tennosei kokka', any such study is important to define some specific characters of modernized Japan, and will give some suggestions in these days when we are in need of a doctrine of democratized military forces and the founding of a new outlook for the nation.
著者
内山 貞三郎 Uchiyama Teizaburo ウチヤマ テイザブロウ オオミヤ マユミ
出版者
大阪大学文学部
雑誌
大阪大学文学部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
no.2, pp.1-328, 1952-09-15

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