著者

岡村 黎明 石澤 靖治

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, pp.219-220, 1997

著者

喜多 満里花

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, pp.181-199, 2020

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<p> Popular cultural content is transnational, as it is produced across national</p><p>borders. However, it is used as a tool to represent national image and identity</p><p>for branding, which is contradictory. Therefore, two issues will become the</p><p>subject of discussion: signifying the processes of policy makers and the</p><p>effects of these discourses on people's national identity. This study examines</p><p>these issues through document analysis of Korean government publications</p><p>concerning Korean popular music( K-Pop).</p><p> The study shows that K-Pop signifies two different things in these</p><p>documents.</p><p>Documents written in English say that it is "hybrid and transnational</p><p>music" for external branding, whereas those in Korean claim that it has</p><p>"original content, inheriting Korea-ness from traditional culture" for internal</p><p>branding.</p><p>In addition, the government's view of national identity and cultural</p><p>nationalism shown in internal branding is not considered by the Korean</p><p>people in their reactions to discourse about the Korean wave or change of</p><p>governance. This rejection of this reconstructed national identity differs from</p><p>the circumstances shown in previous studies.</p>

著者

金 イェジ

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, pp.203-219, 2019

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<p> This paper focuses on the Korean "daily toon," a specific genre of webtoon</p><p>(a portmanteau of the words "web" and "cartoon"). In these toons, a character</p><p>appears as an avatar presenting the writer's perspective. Present research considers</p><p>the melancholic representation of youth in the early years of daily toons.</p><p>Daily toons featuring authors' experiences were often drawn quite frankly, as</p><p>one would write or sketch in a diary. Youths developed an affinity for these</p><p>toons, as their production and consumption reflected facets of young people's</p><p>everyday life. Focusing on these points, this research aims to examine: ⑴ relationships</p><p>between the three aspects of the melancholic motif appearing in early</p><p>daily toons; ⑵ the structure of feeling of the younger generation and ⑶ personal</p><p>homepages as private spaces online( where episodes were published serially).</p><p> In the early 2000s, young people shared ambivalent emotions arising from</p><p>social changes following the 1997 financial crisis. They were tasked with maintaining</p><p>the role of standard-bearers for social change, while also experiencing</p><p>feelings of self-pity and loss. In the early daily toons, depressive feelings are</p><p>represented by three themes, namely: ⑴ thinking and self-reflection; ⑵ loss and</p><p>loneliness and ⑶ emptiness and lethargy. Such melancholic motifs can be interpreted</p><p>as symbolizing youths' depression and sense of loss, utilizing the properties</p><p>of personal homepages as private spaces for self-expression. In real life,</p><p>young people's collective actions toward social change occur in spaces such as</p><p>public squares, where their behavior and practices represent emotions such as</p><p>anger and resistance. In contrast, the motifs in the early daily toons can be</p><p>interpreted as representing more personal emotional processes (such as fear</p><p>and pity) among youth.</p>

著者

李 津娥

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

no.85, pp.25-41, 2014-07-31

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Political advertising plays a significant role in conveying campaign information and constructing images of parties and candidates more directly than the news, the contents of which they have little or no control over. Political parties have prioritized traditional political communication, such as personal contact campaigning and wayside speeches. However, parties have come to rely more on political advertising as a result of the termination of the long-standing dominance of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in the early 1990s. This paper outlines the historical development of political advertising from the emergence of political parties and their campaigning in the 1880s to the online campaigning during the 2013 House of Councilors election, focusing both on the change in the media environment and in election law. The current research also compares the contents and appeal of LDP and non-LDP political advertising in terms of issue presentation and image construction by analyzing political ads in newspapers and on television from 1960 to 2012. Overall, parties have placed emphasis on images over issues in their ads, and election campaigns have been dominated by governing parties. This tendency did not change at all in the online campaigns of the 2013 House of Councilors election. This paper also investigates issues in relation to online political campaigning, including concerns over targeted and tailored online political advertising and selective searches for information by voters that confirm their pre-existing political views, which in turn might decrease political tolerance.

著者

田辺 龍

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

no.68, pp.42-53, 2006

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'2ch (2 channel)' is the most popular anonymous BBS in Japan. It consists of hundreds of categories called 'ita (board)', and each ita also consists of hundreds of threads. Occasionally many responses are noted on some threads instantaneously, but most of these phenomena are regarded as consummatory communications like so-called 'matsuri (festival)' not as public opinion. But some of these have possibility of becoming public opinion when these are referred by other web sites, covered by mass media. So the inter-media relations can make anonymous BBS rouse public opinion, when an argument in some thread is cited by other media one after another.

著者

焦 贇

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, pp.153-171, 2021-07-31 (Released:2021-09-11)

参考文献数

9

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With the spread of the Internet and the development of citizen journalism, women are no longer “victims” who are unable to speak out for themselves. Because of this, the word “nuhanzi” has become popular in Chinese cyberspace that positively affirms the non-feminine type of woman who had been hitherto criticized. A subculture surrounding the “nuhanzi” has emerged, shocking the dominant culture. The result of this is that the mainstream media has begun using the word “nuhanzi” in its reporting. Based on this point, a “struggle for signification” has emerged between the novel view of gender represented by the “nuhanzi” and the dominant view bound to the gender order in China, which has existed for a long time. However, as a result of the fact that reports in the mainstream media surrounding the “nuhanzi” gradually turned negative, online “activity” surrounding the term dwindled, the “struggle for signification” against the reports of mainstream media could not continue, and in many cases, the debate ceased.Based on the above facts, this study focuses on the “reproduction” of the dominant culture in the “struggle for signification” and the reasons behind excluding the new view of gender epitomized by the “nuhanzi” from the dominant culture. At the same time, we argue that in today’s information society, the existing mainstream media outlets still have a substantial influence on the reproduction of the dominant culture.

著者

是永 論

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, pp.2-3, 2014

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The planning of this special edition was triggered by Japan's Upper House Parliamentary election in the summer of 2013 when election campaigns using the Internet were run for the first time in the country's history. Japanese media reports at the time of lifting of the ban on the use of the Internet for election campaigns extolled the start of online election campaigns and pointed out that there would be a variety of potential electoral campaigns from then on. How- ever, as the articles in this special edition indicate, many have said that the impact on the actual election of Internet use for election campaigns was low due to low voter turnout and a lack of data showing a significant correlation between Internet usage and the election results. Nevertheless, given the events that occurred inside and outside Japan around the time that the ban on using the Internet for election campaigns was lifted, it can be said that the start of the use of the Internet for the summer 2013 election campaigns marked a milestone, and that we should reconsider the status of political communications in Japan in the social context, and not merely think of the impact of the Internet. Particularly since 2010, pro-democracy movements such as the Arab Spring and protest movements including the Occupy movement have developed on the back of the spread of social networks such as Twitter and Facebook and the increasing number of smartphone users globally. The anti-nuclear movement seen in Japan around the same time - albeit, a somewhat different kind of movement - appears to have the same communication structure. If one looks at dominant opinions on the Internet in recent years and uses right-leaning opinions as an example, it can be seen that using the Internet has become more significant as a method for political activities for certain age groups and segments of society. Furthermore, objections against companies that exploit their employees - such movements started coming to the surface in 2013 - should be considered as political communications made through the means of easy-to-access information. This special edition aims to examine the relationship between the Internet and political communications, including possibilities that will be traced back to the concept of social change through digital technologies, which has been called "Cyberactivism" (McCaughey, 2014) since 2000s. The main purpose of this special edition, however, is to investigate what kind of roles mass media, which has been playing a key role in terms of political communications in conventional Japanese society, will be able to take on in the current communication environment, in which a diversity of different types of media and networks are developing. Based on this background, we have asked the writers for this special edition to discuss matters in accordance with their respective fields of expertise, in order to clarify the dynamics of political communications through media and networks in Japan from the past to the present, focusing on the impact of the Internet on the content of specific online political information and the use of such content.

著者

小川 恒夫

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

no.53, pp.18-33, 215, 1998-07-31

被引用文献数

1

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In this paper, I propose a new subject in mass media effect studies summa rizing the representative effect models. First, I classify strong-effect models into two groups. The first proup consists of effect models caused by an audience's subconsiousness reaction. The other proup is effect models which are caused by an audience's psychological mechanism tendency to depend on majority opinion. In either case, these two patterns seem to carry negative effects for rational public opinion formation process. In conclusion, I consider a third model of mass media effects which can contribute to form rational public opinion searching for a new style of mass media reporting.

著者

北村 匡平

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, pp.123-142, 2017-01-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

参考文献数

39

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The idea of youth differed significantly between the prewar generation and the wartime generation, who sacrificed their adolescence in the Second World War. The crucial gap in film reception—which was actualized in visual culture in the early stages of the U.S. occupation period—can be observed by comparing the discourses from those generations with Kurosawa Akira’s No Regrets for Our Youth. The film was released at a political-cultural turning point in Japanese society; and while the young generation commended this film, the prewar generation criticized it. This paper aims to analyze why their evaluations conflicted with each other, and explore how the representation of youth— depicted by Kurosawa and embodied by star actress Hara Setsuko—functioned for the young audience. The film’s reception by the audience is conditioned by its reading position —here, a society living through a wartime experience. In addition, their social attributes strongly influence the cultural meanings they receive from the screen. In other words, there is a gap in film experience between those who are allowed to sensibly watch films as amateurs and critics who are required to analytically watch them as experts. This paper reveals that the exaggerated and dynamic cinematic expression of youth by Kurosawa—which was prohibited during the wartime period—is affectively connected to the young generation, for whom youth was an impalpable idea. The “lost youth,” for them, was visually reconstructed as tangible and concrete through moving images and a lively cinematic body.

著者

前沢 猛 寺井 睦久 奥田 崇之 近藤 健

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, pp.240-241, 2000

著者

福間 良明

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, pp.55-74, 2016-01-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

参考文献数

18

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Even today, memories of war are frequently debated and represented in media cultures, although 70 years have passed since the end of the Pacific War. Many tourists visit the war memorial sites in Hiroshima, Okinawa, Chiran, etc. Some war movies, such as Eternal Zero and The Emperor in August (the remake of Japan's Longest Day, originally produced in 1967) became big hits. We can see the desire to "succeed the memories of war" and promote harmony between generations in these popular cultures. However, do such harmonies conceal the suppression of the painful war experiences? Many people are influenced by the stories of war movies or war memorial sites; however, do these emotional impressions lead to indifference to the complicated historical facts? This study analyzes the process of the transformation of memories of war in postwar media cultures to examine the politics of representation and narratives of the war.

著者

金 明華

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, pp.187-204, 2010-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

参考文献数

25

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In recent years, audition programs such as "Super Girl" has become popular in China. Many idols of mainland China, playing an active part in the world entertainment, are created by these programs. Idols' fans are emerging as groups and are acting enthusiastically as an organization. This paper focuses on these new changes which have occurred in the phenomenon of idols/fans in China, and clarifies the generation and features of idols/fans, taking Li Yuchun (a popular idol, the winner of audition program "Super Girl") and her fans "Yumi" as one case. This paper also adopts qualitative research. Semi-structured interviews with 30 Yumi living in Beijing were made in 2007 and 2009. Referring to fans researches of Japan and the west, this paper analyzes interviews with Yumi and draws the following conclusions. For Yumi, Li Yuchun is not a symbol that can be replaced by other idols, and she embodies Yumi's values. Yumi do not consume Li's image as "play", keeping the identity of Yumi more seriously. From what lay behind the images such as "frankness" and "cleanliness" deciphered by Yumi, the anxieties about Chinese society, which has dropped into moral crisis and trust crisis despite high economic growth, can be seen. Yumi feel an idol's kindness from Li Yuchun, while maintaining a distance from her. They have created a sense of solidarity among a wide range of generations, mediated by the image of Li Yuchun. And they also have made a multilayered space of communication through the Internet. Especially, those Yumi who know each other in real life carry out more direct and close exchanges, though it is necessary to consider further whether these exchanges have created a gap among Yumi.

著者

大井 眞二

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, pp.45-62, 1993-12-28 (Released:2017-10-06)

著者

前坂 俊之

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, pp.5-19, 2005

著者

韓 永學

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, pp.83-102, 2016-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

参考文献数

25

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On December 17, 2015, the Seoul Central District Court gave a verdict of not guilty to Tatsuya Kato, former Seoul bureau chief of Sankei Shimbun. He had been charged with defaming South Korea’s President Park Geun-hye. The purpose of this study is to analyze the decision and examine suggestions for the defamation laws in Japan and South Korea. Although I agree with the conclusion of the decision, I cannot accept the part of verdict on defamation of Park as a private figure. Structural problems exist in South Korea’s defamation laws, and the criminal prosecution of this case deviates from the international standards. Therefore, it is natural that the United Nations has repeatedly recommended that the South Korean government abolish criminal defamation. South Korea has to fundamentally reform the criminal defamation law, which has suppressed critical speech. Meanwhile, this case has considerable implications for Japan, where criminal defamation is being applied. Japan should also join the international community in pursuing abolition or a strict application of the criminal defamation law as it has harmful effects on democracy as well as freedom of expression.

著者

金 官圭

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, pp.110-127,231, 1996-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

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This paper focuses on three main problems related to the use of electronic bulletin board(NIFTY-Serve). First, I investigate the impact of using electronic bulletin boards on other communication activities. Second, I explore the motives for using an electronic bulletin board, particularly the differences in motives among three user groups which are divided by their attitudes toward the electronic bulletin board. Thirdly, what image of the sources do users perceive through an anonymous commnication situation in which only messages are exchanged? People who use the electronic bulletin board view television much less than the average Japanese viewer. The high-attitude group is associated with more instrumental using motives than the low-attitude group. Factor analysis produced three independent dimensions for evaluating the image of message sources.

著者

福間 良明

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, pp.67-83, 2005-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

参考文献数

25

被引用文献数

1

著者

俣野 裕美

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, pp.207-208, 2020

著者

彭 永成

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, pp.125-142, 2020

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<p>This paper focused on a content analysis of the Zexy magazine to examine</p><p>the ideal marriage image constructed in it. Before the appearance of a</p><p>specialized marriage information magazine, the sources of information were</p><p>limited, so individuals (consumers) had little choice in their own weddings.</p><p>Therefore, it can be said that the concept of a "marriage between two</p><p>families" was still emphasized in weddings. The appearance of specialized</p><p>marriage information magazines in the 1990s prompted a change in</p><p>wedding culture back then.</p><p>Among them, Zexy, which was launched in 1993, has changed from a</p><p>magazine which was aimed to show information about married life, into a</p><p>magazine which focuses on bridal information only about weddings.</p><p> At the same time, it became clear that the ideal marriage concept</p><p>presented in the magazine changed from a "marriage involving entire</p><p>families" in the 1990s to "a marriage between two individuals." In addition,</p><p>it is also revealed the process by which Zexy socially builds a wedding into</p><p>an event in which the bride has the right to make decisions.</p>

著者

魯 諍

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, pp.83-102, 2017

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<p> This study analyzes reports on the National Party Congress( from the 13th</p><p>to the 18th) of China in the Yomiuri Shimbun and the Asahi Shimbun. Two categories</p><p>of reports," articles on the opening of the Party Congress" and" a serial</p><p>article on the National Party Congress" are examined using Fairclough's method</p><p>of genre analysis.</p><p> This study examined how "genre chains" and "genre mixing," leading to</p><p>discourse over China's one-party system, have changed over time. The Yomiuri</p><p>Shimbun and the Asahi Shimbun, which are said to have different political positions,</p><p>show the same tendency.</p><p> First," genre chains" from" official documents" to" expository arguments"</p><p>was confirmed in the articles on the "keynote political report" of the Party</p><p>Congress. It showed that the newspaper emphasized how to explain the report</p><p>instead of the report itself. In an "explanatory discussion" of a "keynote political</p><p>report," there is a tendency to combine various genres such as" official document,""</p><p>interview,"" news story," etc. into new" formats." Due to this" genre</p><p>mixing," the functions of the original genres and the texts using them change.</p><p> Second, in the series of articles on the National Party Congress, the main</p><p>genre gradually changes from" argument" to" narrative." More stories and episodes</p><p>were used to express the conflict between the one-party system and the</p><p>market economy, and the detailed description of facts increased in the "narra tive" genre. Along with these changes, the facts picked up in articles changed</p><p>from "reference material" to "grounds of an argument." The author argued</p><p>that the above tendency amplified the risk that specific logic could become</p><p>fixed and the exclusion of the possibility of constructing other logic. Such a tendency</p><p>is presumed to be related to the lack of diversity of discussions about</p><p>Chinese society in recent years.</p>