著者

足立 芳宏

出版者

京都大学大学院農学研究科生物資源経済学専攻

雑誌

生物資源経済研究 (ISSN:13418947)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, pp.39-76, 2012-03-22

---

As a result of the Nazi-enforced migration policy at the beginning of WWII, Volksdeutsche (ethnic Germans) farmers from Bessarabia, Volhynia, and Galicia as well as Baltic states resettled in the villages of the annexed Polish areas such as Warthegau and Dazig-Westpreussen, after the native Polish peasants had been deported to the Government General. In Japan, the details of this policy, called Heim ins Reich (back to the Reich), are still not very well understood, except those dealing with the phases of the Holocaust. The purpose of this paper is to describe the experience of the resettlement of the “ethnic German” farmers; it could provide a fresh perspective on this wartime settlement policy, further bringing out its historical continuity to land reform in Postwar East Germany. (1) It is important to note that the targets of the Nazi settlement policy were not the Reichsdeutsche (imperial German) but the Volksdeutsche. Through a racial screening conducted by the Schutzstaffel (SS) before entering annexed Poland, it was found that the SS staff disliked and strongly opposed the concept of consanguineous marriage, while insisting that the ethnic norms were not applied as strictly as expected, as it resulted in criticism for a Nazi local party leader who was representing the resettlers and the complaints raised by them; here, we can observe a discrepancy between them with regard to their understanding of Nazi racial ideology. (2) The action program was designed to simultaneously accomplish both settlement and deportation and was executed systematically and quickly -in only half a day- under the command of the SS organs by mobilizing Nazi activists, including assistant staff members from Nazi women societies, county officials, and local community leaders of native resident ethnic Germans (called "native Germans" in this paper). Further, in the allocation of land and housing, the SS allocated multiple small Polish farms to a German resettler's family with the aim of building an independent family farm with a size of more than 15 ha. (3) After the resettlement, there was heightened "ethnic" conflict within the local community, especially between the German resettlers and the native Germans. Such conflict was in contradiction with the Nazi concept of Volksgemeinschaft (national community). The native Germans remained almost as poor as they were before the settlement policy, like the Polish peasants, and this convinced them that they were not treated favorably by the Nazi, because they perceived the non-allocation of additional farmland to them as unfair. Moreover, they used a different language when communicating among themselves, and their lack of fluency in the German language made communication between the resettlers and the natives difficult. For example, the Bessarabia usually spoke the Schwabisch (Swabia) dialect, whereas the natives were more familiar with Polish. (4) As far as farming after resettlement was concerned, the most serious problem for resettlers was how to control Polish servants, both agricultural and domestic. The military conscription of husbands and sons resulted in the shortage of agricultural labor, which forced the farmer's wives to employ Polish labor. Therefore, they suffered extreme physical pain and mental trauma, brought about by the increased passive resistance by the Polish labor. Despite a good harvest in 1942, overall, it had become tougher for resettlers to carry out farming since 1943. (5) The collapse of the Third Reich led to the deportation of the ethnic Germans from the polish settlement and to their migration to Germany as refugee groups. Through land reform in Postwar East Germany, some of them acquired farmland and became newly involved in farming. Interestingly, there were many cases wherein they acquired farms abandoned by other new farmers around the second half of the 1940s, possibly with the help of the old ethnic German's network. Thus, using their connection with their native villages, they intended to resettle in several areas in an attempt to adapt to the strict agricultural policy of Postwar East Germany.

著者

足立 芳宏

出版者

京都大学大学院農学研究科生物資源経済学専攻

雑誌

生物資源経済研究 (ISSN:13418947)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, pp.73-98, 2016-03-25

---

Recent studies have focused on the "silent" agricultural revolution that occurred in rural West German society during the postwar period. The purpose of this paper is to provide a new framework by reviewing these recent studies in three research fields: (1) German rural social history, (2) the history of German agricultural policy, and (3) the ecological aspects of the land consolidation program ("Flurbereinigung"). First, social historical studies revealed that the mass influx of refugees from the former eastern territories of Germany heavily influenced rural society and caused a radical change in the local political culture and the "habitus" of rural residents. However, the pathways to rural modernization demonstrated regional diversity. Second, historical studies on the German agricultural policy revealed the following: (1) how people under occupation experienced the postwar food crisis; (2) the transition from a national agricultural policy to the European common agricultural policy in the 1950s; and (3) how farmers revolted against the agricultural structure policy in the European Economic Community (EEC), known as the "Mansholt-Plan" (1968–1972). Third, we examined the postwar land consolidation program, with a focus on the discourse on the ecological elements of the rural landscape. We found conflicts between the "euphoria" of technological innovation and the social desire of making a new home village ("Heimat").

著者

末原 達郎

出版者

京都大学大学院農学研究科生物資源経済学専攻

雑誌

京都大学生物資源経済研究 (ISSN:13418947)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.161-172, 2006-03-25

---

この論文は農林水産省で電子化されました。

著者

足立 芳宏

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

京都大学生物資源経済研究 (ISSN:13418947)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, 2000-12

著者

田口 標 松下 幸司 宇野 日出生

出版者

京都大学大学院農学研究科生物資源経済学専攻

雑誌

京都大学生物資源経済研究 (ISSN:13418947)

巻号頁・発行日

no.13, pp.124-112, 2007

---

大原は、今日、三千院、寂光院などで有名な京都の観光地の一つであるが、かつて京都の町中へ炭や柴、薪を売りに行っていた同地の女性たちの風俗が「大原女」として広く知られ、既に平安期頃より詩歌に詠まれてきたことからもわかるように、山で生産した燃料を京都へ供給してきた洛北の山村でもある。大原は、京都市内を流れる鴨川の支流高野川上流の東西に広がった盆地とその北方山間部の高原からなる。高野川沿いには、若狭街道、あるいは通称「鯖街道」と呼ばれる若狭から京都へ通じる古くからの街道が通っている。三年ほど前から、地元の有志によって立ち上げられた「大原古文書研究会」により、各町に残されている古文書の発掘、整理、解読が進められており、山村としての大原の近世以前の暮らしが徐々に明らかになりつつある。本稿は、そのような文書の中から、山林管理及び木柴に関する文書一二点を選び、翻刻を行ったものである。

著者

加賀爪 優

出版者

京都大学大学院農学研究科生物資源経済学専攻

雑誌

京都大学生物資源経済研究 (ISSN:13418947)

巻号頁・発行日

no.8, pp.47-77, 2002-12

被引用文献数

1

---

現在、オーストラリアは、WTO体制下のグローバルな貿易自由化を主張する一方で、タイ、シンガポールと自由貿易協定を結び、さらに、アメリカ、日本との自由貿易協定の可能性を模索している。これに加えて、緩やかな地域間協定として、アセアン自由貿易地域と豪州・ニュージーランド経済緊密化協定地域との間の経済協力関係(AFTA-CER-CEP)を構築しつつある。本稿の課題は、こうした状況の下で、オーストラリアの自由貿易協定への取り組みと豪米自由貿易協定の経済効果について検討することである。

著者

田口 標 松下 幸司 宇野 日出生

出版者

京都大学大学院農学研究科生物資源経済学専攻

雑誌

京都大学生物資源経済研究 (ISSN:13418947)

巻号頁・発行日

no.13, pp.112-124, 2008-03

---

大原は、今日、三千院、寂光院などで有名な京都の観光地の一つであるが、かつて京都の町中へ炭や柴、薪を売りに行っていた同地の女性たちの風俗が「大原女」として広く知られ、既に平安期頃より詩歌に詠まれてきたことからもわかるように、山で生産した燃料を京都へ供給してきた洛北の山村でもある。大原は、京都市内を流れる鴨川の支流高野川上流の東西に広がった盆地とその北方山間部の高原からなる。高野川沿いには、若狭街道、あるいは通称「鯖街道」と呼ばれる若狭から京都へ通じる古くからの街道が通っている。三年ほど前から、地元の有志によって立ち上げられた「大原古文書研究会」により、各町に残されている古文書の発掘、整理、解読が進められており、山村としての大原の近世以前の暮らしが徐々に明らかになりつつある。本稿は、そのような文書の中から、山林管理及び木柴に関する文書一二点を選び、翻刻を行ったものである。

著者

末原 達郎

出版者

京都大学大学院農学研究科生物資源経済学専攻

巻号頁・発行日

no.11, pp.161-172, 2006 (Released:2011-03-05)

著者

末原 達郎

出版者

京都大学大学院農学研究科生物資源経済学専攻

雑誌

京都大学生物資源経済研究 (ISSN:13418947)

巻号頁・発行日

no.11, pp.161-172, 2005

---

この論文は農林水産省で電子化されました。

著者

浅見 淳之

出版者

京都大学大学院農学研究科生物資源経済学専攻

雑誌

京都大学生物資源経済研究 (ISSN:13418947)

巻号頁・発行日

no.12, pp.17-29, 2006

---

遊牧民国家であったトルコでは、牧草地は畜産を支える貴重な資源である。牧草地は国有地であり、コモンズとして利用されている。ところが1950年代から過放牧と、農業地または工業地、宅地などへの過剰な転用によって、破壊されその面積は急速に縮小してきてしまった。最も深刻に影響を及ぼしたのが、トラクタリゼーションによって開墾が容易になったことで農民が不法に進めてしまった国有牧草地の敵対的占有行動である。この不法行為は、土地登記法の不完備という法制度上の問題によって促進されてしまった。牧草地の破壊に対してトルコ政府は、法制度上の不完備性を改めるために1998年に「草地法」を立法させた。新法のもとに国有牧草地と私有農地の境界が再設定され、敵対的占有となされた農地は国有牧草地に強制収用されることになった。そこで、敵対的占有農民(被告)と政府(原告)が裁判を起こした場合、双方が受け入れられるパレート最適が効率的な司法判断とされる点から、草地法の効率性を検討した。その結果、損害賠償よりも強制収用のほうが効率的であることが示され、同法の効率性を支持することになった。パレート最適な上では、社会的な効用が最大となる点が司法判断とされるので、ナッシュ交渉解を判決とした。この解のパラメータ変動効果を見ることで、草地法の経済学的な属性を検討した。すなわち、牧草地の価値が世論において再評価されている現状では強制収用が進むが、気象変動などによって農家の所得が下がる場合には農家が敵対的占有地にしがみつき収用が進まなくなること、罰則金の加重化は農民の反抗を生みかえって収用が進まなくなること、裁判費用の加重は農民にとって負担になるので裁判をしないで強制収用に応じる可能性が高まることが明らかになった。

著者

足立 芳宏

出版者

京都大学大学院農学研究科生物資源経済学専攻

雑誌

生物資源経済研究 (ISSN:13418947)

巻号頁・発行日

no.21, pp.73-98, 2016

---

Recent studies have focused on the "silent" agricultural revolution that occurred in rural West German society during the postwar period. The purpose of this paper is to provide a new framework by reviewing these recent studies in three research fields: (1) German rural social history, (2) the history of German agricultural policy, and (3) the ecological aspects of the land consolidation program ("Flurbereinigung"). First, social historical studies revealed that the mass influx of refugees from the former eastern territories of Germany heavily influenced rural society and caused a radical change in the local political culture and the "habitus" of rural residents. However, the pathways to rural modernization demonstrated regional diversity. Second, historical studies on the German agricultural policy revealed the following: (1) how people under occupation experienced the postwar food crisis; (2) the transition from a national agricultural policy to the European common agricultural policy in the 1950s; and (3) how farmers revolted against the agricultural structure policy in the European Economic Community (EEC), known as the "Mansholt-Plan" (1968–1972). Third, we examined the postwar land consolidation program, with a focus on the discourse on the ecological elements of the rural landscape. We found conflicts between the "euphoria" of technological innovation and the social desire of making a new home village ("Heimat").

著者

福井 清一 高篠 仁奈 ヘリヤント アグン

出版者

京都大学大学院農学研究科生物資源経済学専攻

雑誌

生物資源経済研究 (ISSN:13418947)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.77-88, 2012

---

Social capital is considered to be closely related with trust and trustworthiness among the people living in a community. In order to empirically capture the impacts of social capital on public policies, trust is usually used as a proxy variable of social capital. Standard methodology for measuring trust involves "Investment Game". However, the results of "Investment Game" are not necessarily equal to true trust. The results might be affected by other preferences, such as risk preference and altruism. This paper aims to test whether the results of "Investment Game" are affected by risk preference and altruism by using the data from Rural Java where social capital has been accumulated over a considerable period of time and solidarity among village people is considered to be relatively strong. By conducting econometric analysis, we found that risk preference measured by "Risk Game" and altruism measured by "Dictator Game" affect the measures of trust obtained by "Investment Game". In addition, we also found that these impacts are stronger for the case of persons who have known each other rather than the case of anonymous persons.

著者

足立 芳宏

出版者

京都大学大学院農学研究科生物資源経済学専攻

雑誌

生物資源経済研究 (ISSN:13418947)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.39-76, 2012

---

As a result of the Nazi-enforced migration policy at the beginning of WWII, Volksdeutsche (ethnic Germans) farmers from Bessarabia, Volhynia, and Galicia as well as Baltic states resettled in the villages of the annexed Polish areas such as Warthegau and Dazig-Westpreussen, after the native Polish peasants had been deported to the Government General. In Japan, the details of this policy, called Heim ins Reich (back to the Reich), are still not very well understood, except those dealing with the phases of the Holocaust. The purpose of this paper is to describe the experience of the resettlement of the "ethnic German" farmers; it could provide a fresh perspective on this wartime settlement policy, further bringing out its historical continuity to land reform in Postwar East Germany. (1) It is important to note that the targets of the Nazi settlement policy were not the Reichsdeutsche (imperial German) but the Volksdeutsche. Through a racial screening conducted by the Schutzstaffel (SS) before entering annexed Poland, it was found that the SS staff disliked and strongly opposed the concept of consanguineous marriage, while insisting that the ethnic norms were not applied as strictly as expected, as it resulted in criticism for a Nazi local party leader who was representing the resettlers and the complaints raised by them; here, we can observe a discrepancy between them with regard to their understanding of Nazi racial ideology. (2) The action program was designed to simultaneously accomplish both settlement and deportation and was executed systematically and quickly -in only half a day- under the command of the SS organs by mobilizing Nazi activists, including assistant staff members from Nazi women societies, county officials, and local community leaders of native resident ethnic Germans (called "native Germans" in this paper). Further, in the allocation of land and housing, the SS allocated multiple small Polish farms to a German resettler's family with the aim of building an independent family farm with a size of more than 15 ha. (3) After the resettlement, there was heightened "ethnic" conflict within the local community, especially between the German resettlers and the native Germans. Such conflict was in contradiction with the Nazi concept of Volksgemeinschaft (national community). The native Germans remained almost as poor as they were before the settlement policy, like the Polish peasants, and this convinced them that they were not treated favorably by the Nazi, because they perceived the non-allocation of additional farmland to them as unfair. Moreover, they used a different language when communicating among themselves, and their lack of fluency in the German language made communication between the resettlers and the natives difficult. For example, the Bessarabia usually spoke the Schwabisch (Swabia) dialect, whereas the natives were more familiar with Polish. (4) As far as farming after resettlement was concerned, the most serious problem for resettlers was how to control Polish servants, both agricultural and domestic. The military conscription of husbands and sons resulted in the shortage of agricultural labor, which forced the farmer's wives to employ Polish labor. Therefore, they suffered extreme physical pain and mental trauma, brought about by the increased passive resistance by the Polish labor. Despite a good harvest in 1942, overall, it had become tougher for resettlers to carry out farming since 1943. (5) The collapse of the Third Reich led to the deportation of the ethnic Germans from the polish settlement and to their migration to Germany as refugee groups. Through land reform in Postwar East Germany, some of them acquired farmland and became newly involved in farming. Interestingly, there were many cases wherein they acquired farms abandoned by other new farmers around the second half of the 1940s, possibly with the help of the old ethnic German's network. Thus, using their connection with their native villages, they intended to resettle in several areas in an attempt to adapt to the strict agricultural policy of Postwar East Germany.

著者

大田 伊久雄

出版者

京都大学大学院農学研究科生物資源経済学専攻

雑誌

京都大学生物資源経済研究 (ISSN:13418947)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.137-152, 1995-12-25

著者

大田 伊久雄

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

京都大学生物資源経済研究 (ISSN:13418947)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.21-38, 2001-12