著者
松島 のり子
出版者
幼児教育史学会
雑誌
幼児教育史研究 (ISSN:18815049)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, pp.1-15, 2011-11-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

Kindergartens and day nurseries were organized as separate systems and unevenly distributed in Japan after WWII. Previous studies show that the reasons for their distinct regional characteristics included the shifting demographic structure, industrialization, local or family needs, spread of existing facilities and rate of full-time homemakers. However, there has been limited research examining the effect of the local situation. This paper studies the actual situation and background of the development of and local differences between kindergartens and day nurseries by focusing on Nanao city, Kaga city, and Tsubata-town in Ishikawa Prefecture, where day nurseries from 1950s to 1970s developed remarkably as compared to kindergartens. Owing to the availability of municipal finances, several day nurseries that gained subsidies from the national and prefectural governments were established, but it was not feasible to increase the number of kindergartens. Additionally, there were other major circumstances, changes in the social situation such as the increase of primary industry workers becoming migrants or day workers due to changes in the industrial structure, and the historical situation such as the development of day nurseries before WWII. Thus, while the development of day nurseries advanced, the establishment of kindergartens fell behind. After WWII, each city or town established only one new public kindergarten, which was originally attached to an elementary school and offered educational opportunities to five-year-old children. This development may have been in response to the national plan aiming to improve the percentage of infants who finished kindergarten. With regard to the cases in the rural area of Ishikawa Prefecture, it is apparent that the institutional difference between kindergartens and day nurseries was extremely ambiguous; therefore, day nurseries that have developed did not necessarily target only the infants "who lack in early childhood education and care."
著者
中村 早苗
出版者
Society for the Historical Studies of Early Childhood Education and Care in Japan
雑誌
幼児教育史研究 (ISSN:18815049)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, pp.15-31, 2019 (Released:2020-03-25)
参考文献数
26

Aoyama Gakuin Kindergarten was established in 1961. However, there were two other kindergartens that preceded it in the prewar period: Kaigan-jogakko Kindergarten (1893-1899) and Aoyama Gakuin Midorigaoka Kindergarten (1937-1944). I was interested in these kindergartens because I was a member of the editorial board of the history of the school, and I wanted to inquire further about two points. First, why were both kindergartens closed, and why did they not resume quickly? Kindergarten teacher training courses at Aoyama Gakuin University and Junior College were first established after the war, so teachers of the two prior kindergartens were educated at other schools. These teachers' names were Ai Takano and Ume Hamada (Kaigan-jogakko Kindergarten), and Tadako Tamura (Midorigaoka Kindergarten). It is known that Hamada, Tamura and Haru Yoneyama (director of Midorigaoka Kindergarten) were graduates of Kaiganjogakko (Aoyama Jogakuin); however, about Takano, we know only that she was a member of the Presbyterian Church and came from Osaka. Second, where was Takano educated and why did Kaigan-jogakko invite her from another church ? Miss Dora Schoonmaker, a missionary of the Woman's Foreign Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church (WFMS), established the Joshi-shougakko (girl's elementary school) in Azabu, Tokyo in 1874, which was the beginning of Aoyama Gakuin. After a lapse of several years, Joshi-shougakko moved to the Tsukiji foreign settlement, and its name was changed to Kaigan-jogakko. WFMS started early childhood education at the school with Kaiganjogakko kindergarten. Midorigaoka kindergarten was established by Haru Yoneyama, her husband also established Midorigaoka elementary school at the same time. The purpose of this paper is to clarify two kindergartens and their teachers, using historical materials, especially journals and annual reports of WFMS, and official documents of Tokyo Metropolitan Archives. In particular, this paper argues the following points. Ai Takano, the teacher of Kaigan-jogakko kindergarten, was inspired by Miss Mary True and studied at Sakurai-jogakko, learning early childhood education from Miss Elizabeth Milliken. After graduation, she became a kindergarten teacher at Smith-jogakko in Sapporo. After that, she was invited to Kaigan-jogakko kindergarten as a teacher. Takano and Hamada received high education by missionaries and became kindergarten teachers. This example shows that the missionaries recognized the importance of early childhood education in their establishment of girls' education in Japan. Aoyama Jogakuin (Kaigan-jogakko) Kindergarten was closed because of “Kunrei” (the Educational Act of 1899) and government regulations for kindergartens. The kindergarten was unable to resume because under Kunrei they were not allowed to teach Christian education, and thereby losing WFMS support for their kindergarten facilities. Midorigaoka Kindergarten closed after a notification from the government in 1944 and was burned down by air raids in 1945. This paper clarifies that Aoyama Gakuin planned to resume the kindergarten in 1950.
著者
中村 美和子
出版者
Society for the Historical Studies of Early Childhood Education and Care in Japan
雑誌
幼児教育史研究 (ISSN:18815049)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, pp.1-14, 2019 (Released:2020-03-25)
参考文献数
36

During the Asia-Pacific War (1941―1945), it was necessary for the Japanese people to listen to the radio in order to get information about the war. Radio programs for children were also presented during this period, popular since they were first broadcast by JOAK (Japan's oldest public broadcasting radio station) in 1925. This study aims to clarify the planning process and the content of ‘National School Hour' educational programs aired from April 1941 to March 1945, focusing on story programs for preschoolers. Materials of ‘National School Hour,' monthly radio textbooks and twenty-two scripts of story programs that were aired from June 1941 to January 1945 provided evidence for this analysis. The scripts had not been previously analyzed. Based on the result of this study, the following points are revealed: 1. The planning process 1) Programming was designed to be suitable for a pre-schooler's inner world, as discussed by the School Hour Committee composed of education experts and the JOAK production staff; and 2) To present monthly goals (from January 1942 to March 1943) designed to align with program themes, based on the guidelines for pre-schooler life determined by the School Hour Committee. 2. The content 1) There was a tendency for some scripts written from January 1942 to March 1943 to depend on the guideline of pre-schooler life; and 2) A tendency of the scripts of ‘National School Hour' in consideration of pre-schooler life, to focus on their play. The story programs were produced to emphasize normal pre-schooler life; however, there were some scripts that followed military national policy during the war years.
著者
大沼 覚子
出版者
幼児教育史学会
雑誌
幼児教育史研究 (ISSN:18815049)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.15-30, 2007-11-30 (Released:2018-03-27)
被引用文献数
1

In the Taisho period, Tsuchikawa Goro (1871-1947) criticized 'Yugi' of the Meiji Period, and proposed 'Ritsudo Yugi' (Rhythmic Play, namely Figure Marching) and 'Ritsudoteki Hyojo Yugi (Rhythmical Expressive Play, namely Singing Games). Through playing these new 'Yugi', he wanted children to experience what music and its rhythm expressed. The purpose of this paper is to reexamine the evaluation of Tsuchikawa in the previous researches and to show the historical meanings of his study on 'Yugi'. In order to achieve this goal, 1) I describe Tsuchikawa's activities and works to which have never been referred in the previous researches, 2) analyze his theories about 'Yugi', and 3) examine the relationship of Tsuchikawa to the Taisho and the beginnings of the Showa Period. As a result of this examination, several points thus become clear: First, Tsuchikawa played an important role in the process of building the concept of 'Yugi' or 'Oyugi'. That is to say, Tsuchikawa constructed new theories and created new works that opposed 'Yugi' of the Meiji Period. On the other hand, the popularization of Tsuchikawa's 'Yugi' and the confusion regarding 'Jido Buyo' (dances for children which usually use 'Doyo' as background music) reinforced the concept of 'Oyugi' as having a negative connotation. Moreover, Tsuchikawa insisted on the significance of the 'Education of Feeling', while in the Meiji Period the aim of education through 'Yugi' had inclined to gymnastics. The 'Education of Feeling' were greatly influenced by the New Education Movement and the Art Education Movement in the Taisho Period, and according to Tsuchikawa, this meant 1) a cultivation of aesthetic sentiment, 2) an experience with imagination of feelings expressed in 'Yugi', 3) an awareness of one's own body, and 4) genuinely enjoying 'Yugi'. I believe this is one of the important viewpoints to think about children's development of expression.
著者
小山 みずえ
出版者
Society for the Historical Studies of Early Childhood Education and Care in Japan
雑誌
幼児教育史研究 (ISSN:18815049)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.12, pp.1-12, 2017 (Released:2018-03-27)
参考文献数
17

Today, traditional annual events are believed to play an important role in early childhood education in Japanese kindergartens and nurseries. This paper examines how traditional annual events were introduced and established in kindergarten education in Japan and clarifies how the content of these events and ways of celebrating them were modified depending on the period. In particular, this paper focuses on the Doll Festival. With the adoption of the new calendar in 1873, the Meiji government abolished the “Gosekku” (the five seasonal festivals); accordingly, the Doll Festival declined. However, from the 1890sto the 1900s, the Doll Festival was revived against the backdrop of rising nationalism and as a commercial strategy for promoting the sale of dolls by department stores. For example, it was confirmed that Aisyu Kindergarten in Osaka started celebrating the Doll Festival around 1910. Then, from the Taisho to the early Showa period, the Doll Festival spread extensively in kindergartens throughout Japan. In the Meiji and the Taisho periods, the main purpose of the Doll Festival was to participate in the festival on March 3 and enjoy playing with dolls. Songs, plays, storytelling, and other activities related to the Doll Festival were only partially introduced into daily life. In contrast, after the early Showa period, traditional annual events, including the Doll Festival, were placed in the kindergarten curriculum, which implies that the educational value of the Doll Festival was formally recognized. As a result, kindergarten teachers tried to integrate various activities (manufacturing, songs, plays, storytelling, etc.) under the subject matter of the Doll Festival. In addition, along with the festival itself, the process of preparing for the festival also held educational value. The Doll Festival was planned so that children could take part in the preparation with enthusiasm and organize events in cooperation with their friends and teachers.
著者
河合 隆平
出版者
幼児教育史学会
雑誌
幼児教育史研究 (ISSN:18815049)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, pp.1-16, 2010-11-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

The purpose of this paper is to examine the beginning of childcare practice for infants with disabilities in wartime through analyzing Komizo's mental process as a nursery school teacher as described in her practical reports. The following four issues were examined: (1) her perspective on childhood development and childcare, (2) ethics and morality of nursery school teachers, (3) how to recognize the mentality and situation of childcare through maternal narratives, and how to respond to them, and (4) how to give meaning to the practical issues of childcare and Komizo's practical experiences concerning National Values and Policy issues. Komizo's childcare practices grew out of Reflexive-relations which reflects the framework of childcare in response to infants. Her framework for childcare practices was not modified during wartime. Although, she developed her own identity and searched for the meaning of childcare for exceptional infants, she spontaneously internalized the Emperor ideology and consciousness of war mobilization, recognizing the linkage between childcare practices and nationalism.
著者
織田 望美
出版者
幼児教育史学会
雑誌
幼児教育史研究 (ISSN:18815049)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, pp.1-15, 2015-11-16 (Released:2018-03-27)

The purpose of this paper is to illuminate a few aspects of the CIE's design for early childhood education in postwar Japan. The analysis here particularly focuses on the CIE's attitude towards and role in the "Compilation Committee of Course of Study for Kindergarten", an in-house committee of the Ministry of Education formulated in May, 1951. For this purpose, the essay examines various CIE documents, which are part of the GHQ/SCAP Records. In preparation for the committee's formation. Ambrose and Ewerz at CIE demanded that the prospective course of study be based on both observation and study conducted in the field. They also insisted that the prospective committee members include those who took classes on study of children offered at IFEL. Upon the committee's commencement, these two individuals - as committee members - met several times with officials at the Ministry of Education who also served as committee members and reiterated the significance of fieldwork, with instructions on how such study should be conducted. When the Japanese committee members drafted a framework for a Course of Study, Ambrose and Ewerz proposed amendments and made specific suggestions on the framework, but the actual content and the wording was subsequently left to the discretion of the Japanese committee members. Thus, this paper argues that Ambrose and Ewerz were motivated by their belief in the need to construct a framework within which Japanese people would independently develop an early childhood education concept that would accommodate their unique situations, while also refer to examples of the American equivalent. In other words, the CIE's attitude toward the committee reflected CIE's policies at the time, which was to assist the Japanese in the independent management and development of early childhood education after the U. S. occupation.