著者

鈴村 裕輔

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 = INTERNATIONAL JAPANESE STUDIES (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, pp.61-71, 2022-02-10

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Ishibashi Tanzan (石橋湛山, 1884-1973), who wrote articles for the Toyo Keizai Shimpo (東洋経済新報) and a famous economist in the Pre-War Period Japan, became a Prime Minister in December 1956. There are numerous studies focusing on activities of Ishibashi as a journalist or statesperson before resigning the leader of Japan. On the other hand it seems that his role as a leader of the Ishibashi Faction (official name: Kayo-kai [火曜会]; literally the Tuesday Society) in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Further it is difficult that to identify members of the Ishibashi Faction, since the group was dissolved within 7 years after its formation and documents were dissipated. Therefore, in this article we examined forming of factions at the starting of the LDP in 1955 and its changes by December 1956. After that an outline and position of the Ishibashi Faction in the LDP were discussed and its member was checked. Added to this a reason of participation of Tsuji Masanobu (辻政信, 1902 - ?) for the Ishibashi Faction, who is a unique member of the clique.

著者

中村 和之

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 = INTERNATIONAL JAPANESE STUDIES (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, pp.186(1)-168(19), 2021-02-26

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Completed in 1356, the “Suwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba” is an important historical source of the medieval history of the Ainu. In this book, the Ainu were referred to by the word ʻEzoʼ. There were three groups in ʻEzoʼ : Hinomoto, Karako, and Wataritō. Among them, the ʻKarakoʼ people have been regarded as a group that lived on the west coast of northern Hokkaido. In the 13th and 14th centuries, the Mongol Empire and the Yuan Dynasty invaded Sakhalin Island. In medieval Japanese, the group name ʻKarakoʼ can be translated as ʻthe children in Chinese attire and hairstyleʼ. The meaning can be explained by the relationship between northern Hokkaido and China.According to the records of Jesuit missionaries in the early 17th century, the place called Teshio on the west coast of northern Hokkaido was a trading hub with Sakhalin Island. And one example of Okhotsk type pottery made in the southern part of Sakhalin Island was found in ruins, dated to be after the 10th century, in Nayoro city in the inland area of northern Hokkaido. It is estimated that this Okhotsk type pottery was carried to Nayoro city via the Teshio River. At the mouth of the Teshio River, there is a large archaeological site of Satsumon culture. Thus, the mouth of the Teshio River was likely a hub for trade with Sakhalin Island from the 11th to the 17th centuries. The newly found evidence indicates the name ʻKarakoʼ originated from the close relationship between Teshio and Sakhalin Island.

著者

横山 泰子

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 = INTERNATIONAL JAPANESE STUDIES (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, pp.3-25, 2022-02-10

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This paper examines Terada Torahikoʼs unique perspective toward the Ginza area in Tokyo through a close reading of his texts. Terada Torahiko(寺田寅彦1878-1935) was one of the renowned Japanese physicists whom he called himself Ginbura-an-Shujin (Master of Ginza walker). His enthusiasm toward Ginza led him to stroll around the area for his entire lifetime. Ginza was the best place for Japanese modernists to encounter Western civilization at that time. Analyzing Teradaʼs text shows how one Japanese intellectual who had a great longing for Western civilization was attracted to the place.During his youth, Terada had his first Western food at a restaurant in Ginza and soon became a coffee lover. After returning from study abroad in Europe, he constantly enjoyed shopping around the Ginza area and purchasing imported goods, such as records, musical instruments, picture books, and so on. The coffee shops were also his favorite place in Ginza, and he even wrote an essay entitled Introduction to Coffee Philosophy(『珈琲哲学 序説』).One reason he often visited Ginza was that a cup of coffee always helped him refresh his mind and obtain some inspiration for works.In his essay Ginza Alps(『銀座アルプス』),Terada referred to mob psychology and suggested that many people visiting Ginza are feeling a sense of emptiness in their lives. Terada also had a similar sentiment and shared his sense of emptiness and loneliness in letters sent to his close friends. Nevertheless, by visiting Ginza, he could somewhat fill in the empty hole in his heart, even just a brief moment.In 1923, the Great Kanto earthquake occurred, and Ginza was also devastated by fire. As a physicist, Terada energetically researched earthquake-stricken areas. In Ginza Alps, Terada emphasized the significance of disaster prevention and suggested building a monument in Ginza to remember the earthquake. He also warned of fires on high-rise buildings and wrote measures to escape from a fire. As a Ginza lover physicist, he earnestly examined the ways to maintain the town for the future.

著者

和氣 俊行

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 = INTERNATIONAL JAPANESE STUDIES (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.49-73, 2003-10-31

著者

中村 和之

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 : 文部科学省21世紀COEプログラム採択日本発信の国際日本学の構築研究成果報告集 = International Japan studies : annual report (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

no.18, pp.186-168, 2021-02

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Completed in 1356, the "Suwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba" is an important historical source of the medieval history of the Ainu. In this book, the Ainu were referred to by the word ʻEzoʼ. There were three groups in ʻEzoʼ : Hinomoto, Karako, and Wataritō. Among them, the ʻKarakoʼ people have been regarded as a group that lived on the west coast of northern Hokkaido. In the 13th and 14th centuries, the Mongol Empire and the Yuan Dynasty invaded Sakhalin Island. In medieval Japanese, the group name ʻKarakoʼ can be translated as ʻthe children in Chinese attire and hairstyleʼ. The meaning can be explained by the relationship between northern Hokkaido and China.According to the records of Jesuit missionaries in the early 17th century, the place called Teshio on the west coast of northern Hokkaido was a trading hub with Sakhalin Island. And one example of Okhotsk type pottery made in the southern part of Sakhalin Island was found in ruins, dated to be after the 10th century, in Nayoro city in the inland area of northern Hokkaido. It is estimated that this Okhotsk type pottery was carried to Nayoro city via the Teshio River. At the mouth of the Teshio River, there is a large archaeological site of Satsumon culture. Thus, the mouth of the Teshio River was likely a hub for trade with Sakhalin Island from the 11th to the 17th centuries. The newly found evidence indicates the name ʻKarakoʼ originated from the close relationship between Teshio and Sakhalin Island.

著者

星野 勉

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 = INTERNATIONAL JAPANESE STUDIES (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.19-37, 2007-03-31

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This paper examines, from the perspective of a Japanese researcher, Ruth Benedict's characterization of the culture and behavior patterns of the Japanese as a “shame culture” in her famous The Chrysanthemum and the Sword: Patterns of Japanese Culture (1946).First, I demonstrate that the methodological characteristics of the volume lie in its cultural relativism and comparative perspective. This methodology deconstructs the frameworks on which each culture—in this case Japanese and American—are premised, and by doing so is suggestive of new possibilities for crosscultural understanding.Next, I clarify the way in which Benedict grasped the culture and behavior patterns of the Japanese by analyzing the Japanese sense of ethics as she lays it out in the volume: beginning with chū (fealty to the Emperor) and kō (filial piety), and proceeding through giri (a type of obligation), stoicism (or self-control), sincerity, jichō (self-respect), to haji (shame) and shūyō (self-discipline, mental training). I ascertain that Benedict identified the source of behavior patterns in the concept of “the world” (her translation of seken) and the ideas of social class and order that underlie it, and that, summed up in her phrase “shame culture,” this concept is fundamental to a consistent and coherent understanding of the culture and behavior patterns of the Japanese. Finally, I present a counter argument to those who criticize Benedict for overlooking the autonomous aspect of haji (shame). Indeed, I argue that Benedict should be evaluated more positively for her insight on how haji functions in a way that only appears to be autonomous: she identifies as the primary characteristic of Japanese ethics their tendency toward self-control as a means of avoiding the shame occasioned by committing a breach of what the eyes of “the world” see as an obligation.According to Benedict, “the world” forms a public arena or community for the Japanese that conditions the behavior of the individual. I close this paper with the observation that the accuracy of Benedict's grasp of Japanese culture is demonstrated paradoxically by modern Japanese society, where the breakdown of this sense of community has brought about a state of things where, as the old saying goes, “tabi no haji wa kakisute" (the shame incurred while traveling can be discarded and forgotten).

著者

漆原 拓也

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 = INTERNATIONAL JAPANESE STUDIES (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.141-162, 2013-03-29

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The lacquerware industry remains sluggish due to a general decline in demand associated with the depletion of raw materials, a decrease in the number of successors to craftspeople, the inflow of foreign products, and lifestyle changes. For these reasons, it's becoming very difficult for lacquerware-producing areas to manufacture products that satisfy the inspection criteria for being designated as a traditional craft (hereinafter called "traditional lacquerware") as defined in the Act on the Promotion of Traditional Craft Industries (hereinafter called the "Act").In this thesis, I will analyze current trends in the public sector, the market sector, and the non-profit sector and clarify the situation of the traditional lacquerware industry in this period of recession.Based on the “Act”, the public sector should be providing support to the traditional lacquerware industry. However, it’s not easy to distinguish support for “traditional lacquerware” from support for other items, including similar lacquerware items and plastic goods, because they are all intermingled in the market sector. And in recent years, there has been a drastic decrease in the issue of labels that denote official certification of “traditional lacquerware” as being a traditional craft item designated by the Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry. This means there is a low rate of label attachment and a decrease in the number of items of “traditional lacquerware” that meet the requirements for the label to be affixed in the first place.Public sector support should not just be focused on sales but should be carried out based on the spirit of the “Act”, and the target must basically be items of “traditional lacquerware” that qualify to bear the label. There is apprehension in the market sector that the idea behind the “Act” is not actually being observed in practice. On the other hand, manufacturers who produce lacquerware items other than “traditional lacquerware” find the situation satisfactory because the public sector is also supporting their nontraditional items. Moral hazard is spreading increasingly.From the standpoint of the non-profit sector, it’s only natural to think that many of the products on sale at shops which bear the traditional symbol marks on their signboards are in fact traditional handicrafts. As mentioned earlier, however, the actual situation is that the number of labels denoting official certification of the “traditional lacquerware” has drastically decreased. In other words, there are many cases in which purchasers who want to acquire “traditional lacquerware” are unable to do so due to its reduced availability and ambiguous quality labeling.Under these circumstances, rather than just advertising the symbol marks of traditional craft products, it’s important for the public sector to promote the products that bear a label denoting that they have been officially certified as traditional craft items. Supporting items other than “traditional lacquerware” involves an element of danger that could result in the steady decline of “traditional lacquerware”.The important thing is to encourage the manufacture of sophisticated traditional lacquerware items instead of pseudo-traditional lacquerware. However, current promotion measures have reduced the incentive for craftspeople to continue producing “traditional lacquerware”. The public sector should review the original point of the “Act” and return to promotion measures centered around traditional handicrafts. That may look like a detour, but it is in fact the shortest way.

著者

人見 千佐子

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 = INTERNATIONAL JAPANESE STUDIES (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.163-186, 2013-03-29

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MIYAZAWA Kenji, a Japanese author, created a world which does not have any border line between countries. This world of his, Ihatov, locates in the real world, in Iwate prefecture in Japan, and possesses various kinds of culture and languages.This research focuses on his attitude toward Tokyo. Despite never going abroad, he had much interest in foreign countries. It is certain that he got much information about the world outside Japan through Tokyo.Kenji visited Tokyo more than nine times. During this time, he tried to change his real world for a better one, because it was so hard for him for several reasons. He hoped to get another job and life there, but he was unable to. In other words, he wanted another identity, which led him to create Ihatov. Coincidentally, visiting Tokyo made him think about the differences between cities and rural areas. At first, he was overwhelmed by the modern civilization that the city of Tokyo enjoyed. This was the main reason for his attraction to the city. In the latter half of his Tokyo-visiting days, he became aware of the demerits of modern civilization. At the same time, he discovered the merits of living in Hanamaki, his home town. He changed his attitude toward Tokyo and Hanamaki in this way. That is, Tokyo was the place where he learned something new, and Hanamaki the place where he lived. Visiting or staying in Tokyo was not so important any more. He was able to create another world, and discover a new identity there.

著者

鈴村 裕輔

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 = INTERNATIONAL JAPANESE STUDIES (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.109-124, 2014-03-31

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This paper focused on former prime minister, Ishibashi Tanzan's efforts towards normalisation of diplomatic relations between Japan and China that took place before the Japan-China joint statement of 1972, confirming and examining his achievements. We considered Ishibashi's involvement from political, economic and ideological aspects: 1) He advocated "the inseparability of politics and economics" that meant it was the improvement of economic relations that facilitated the development of political relations, and set out his "theory of political economic inseparability" in contrast to the "improvements in political relations facilitating economic relations" of the Chinese side. 2) He declared that he would take personal responsibility if negotiations with China failed. 3) He aimed for a "national movement" towards "normalization of diplomatic relations with China" that transcended polit-ical parties. 4) He held politician-led talks. Thus, Ishibashi Tanzan made efforts to normalise diplomatic relations with China, and the question and answer session with participants provided important viewpoints from which to explore Ishibashi's involvement. Ishibashi's efforts regarding Japan-China relations were viewed as a part of East Asian and international relations. It was also felt that his efforts were worthy of attention in considering the mutually complementary relationship of Japan and China.

著者

彭 丹

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 = INTERNATIONAL JAPANESE STUDIES (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.165-179, 2009-03-31

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The Kojiki, Japan’s oldest book of history, was finished in 712, in the context of the nation’s foundation. In it, Amaterasu Ōmikami’s father Izanagi, the greatest god of the Yamato dynasty, is helped by three peaches. And Emperor Jinmu, the founder of the Yamato dynasty, is guided by a red crow. What is the significance of the peaches and the red crow in the Kojiki?Both the peaches and red crow were borrowed by the authors of the Kojiki from ancient Chinese mythology, where they are symbols of the sun god. In this fashion, Chinese sun worship is incorporated into this historical account of the Yamato dynasty. It was a strong desire of the authors of the Kojiki to acquire the grace of a sun god like that of the great dynasties of China. Moreover, the ambition of the authors of the Kojiki to assimilate the learning of Chinese civilization inspired them to use language that might even surpass it in excellence.

著者

和氣 俊行

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

no.1, pp.49-73, 2003-10

著者

根本 千聡

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 : 文部科学省21世紀COEプログラム採択日本発信の国際日本学の構築研究成果報告集 = International Japan studies : annual report (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

no.18, pp.164-139, 2021-02

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This paper has the aim of clarifying the transmission of Sino-Japanese lute (biwa/pipa) in the early Heian period (ninth century). In Japan, Fujiwara no Sadatoshi (807-867) has long been respected as the founder of the tradition of Japanese biwa music. He was a minor public servant, and crossed the sea in order to study the biwa as a member of the Japanese mission to Tang China in the Jōwa era (834-848). Sadatoshi did not go to Changʼan, the capital of Tang; however, a biwa master Lian Chengwu gave him lessons in biwa music at Yangzhou. The results of these lessons were compiled in the score Biwa sho-chōshi-hon (ʻVarious lute tuningsʼ) and brought into Japan. Nevertheless, in spite of Sadatoshiʼs great achievement, past studies have not investigated this aspect satisfactorily.The introduction explains background information and the significance of this study.The second section surveys the relation between Japanese musicians and the Japanese missions to Tang China. Ōto no Kiyokami (Yoshie no Kiyokami, ?-839) participated in this mission with Sadatoshi in the capacity of Onjōchō (Head Musician). He was the most outstanding Japanese composer and arranger, as well as superb flute player, of those times. But, according to Nihon sandai jitsuroku (ʻVeritable records of the three reigns of Japanʼ), on his way back to Japan, Kiyokamiʼs ship drifted to the southern seas, where he was killed by barbarians. Although he probably learned some new elements of Tang music, they were lost forever along with his life. This section considers what Kiyokami may have been bringing back, and, at the same time, examines Sadatoshiʼs arrangements of biwa performance based on his experience on the mission.The third section studies how Sadatoshi has been regarded as the founder of the tradition of Japanese biwa. Though several genealogies of the Japanese biwa tradition exist in Japan today, all of them have several doubtful points. For instance, despite Prince Sadayasu (870-924) being born after the death of Sadatoshi, they record that Prince Sadayasu was taught by Sadatoshi. It is thought that this problem arose from later efforts to bring the transmission historical authority.This section includes one more significant topic. There are perhaps six factors why biwa performance became extremely popular after the Jōwa era: first is the reorganization of biwa tunings by Sadatoshi; second is the delay in flute transmission due to Kiyokamiʼs death; third is the influence of Tang poetry; fourth is the beginning of instrumental performance by the Japanese nobility; fifth is Prince Sadayasuʼs interest in the piece Ōshōkun; and sixth is the influence of the sitting repertoire of the erbuji (ʻtwo kinds of musicʼ) of the mid-Tang.The fourth section reaches the following conclusion. Sadatoshi came to be respected as the founder of the tradition of Japanese biwa music not primarily because of his achievements, but due to a range of factors that combined to lead to his ʻdeificationʼ.

著者

デューリング エリー 石渡 崇文[翻訳]

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 = INTERNATIONAL JAPANESE STUDIES (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, pp.89-123, 2018-03-30

著者

福 寛美 吉成 直樹

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 = INTERNATIONAL JAPANESE STUDIES (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.1-39, 2007-03-31

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The earliest written source material of the Ryūkyū kingdom, the collection of songs Omoro sōshi of 1623, includes a song text that cannot be interpreted in any other way than as describing the king and his noble companions committing thievery while sailing around the seas. Other omoro songs describe powerful male local rulers raking up tribute from harbor villages ruled by others. These are clearly songs of plunder and looting.There are other songs in which a sword named Tsukushi Chiyara (‘The Powerful One of Tsukushi’) appears. Tsukushi was a name for Kyushu, where the sword was purchased, and the name is known as another designation for the treasure-sword Teganemaru, owned by the rulers of the second Shō dynasty. Another song can be interpreted as saying that the great ruler of the southern Okinawan area (shimo no yo no nushi) prospered because of the rights he gained by possessing the sword Tsukushi Chiyara.Among songs associated with ruling dynasty, there are songs about gems, ‘Gems with Power of Tsukushi,’ which describe the gems surrounding the islands they rule. It seems reasonable to identify these gems with the three comma-shaped beads of the hidari-mitsudomoe used as the crest of the ruling dynasty, the sacred crest of Hachiman Daibosatsu, and the crest on the banner flown by Wakō Hachimansen pirate ships. This interpretation is supported by another song which describes the mitsudome pattern as three magatama (comma-shaped beads) in a circle. In short, it was thought that swords and beads deriving from Tsukushi (Kyushu) validated the rule of the Ryūkyū kingdom.Another omoro song sings of drinking alcohol in winter and summer, that is, all year round. Men’s liking for alcohol is a common theme in these songs, which imply that powerful men are especially fond of it. It is only natural that alcohol should have been appreciated in the world of the Wakō.In the omoro songs, several words appear with the prefix oni (‘devil’). This implies the possession of an unusually strong spiritual power. The founder of the second Shō dynasty, Kanamaru, is referred to as Onisanko, while a priestess who exhibited spiritual power in battle is called Oni no Kimihae. The places where high-ranking priestesses undertook rituals with swords are called Oni-gusuku, while the strong male ruler of Kumejima was “stronger than an oni.” Another omoro song describes an oniwashi (‘devil eagle’), powerful enough to rule the world, as extending its wings over Sashiki, the base of the earlier first Shō dynasty in the south of the island of Okinawa. The symbolic capture of this ‘devil eagle’ is what made the foundation of the dynasty possible. We believe that this oni is a symbol for the power of the Wakō pirates.The songs of Omoro sōshi are contemporaneous with medieval songs of mainland Japan, but do not fit into any of the frameworks of Japanese literature. This paper illustrates that research on the omoro songs from a new perspective may give us hints about the cultural distance between Yamato (mainland Japan) and Okinawa after the founding of the Ryūkyū kingdom.

著者

呉 恵京

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 = INTERNATIONAL JAPANESE STUDIES (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.181-202, 2009-03-31

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Tezuka Osamu, the figure who first established the fundamentals of Japanese “story manga,” is regarded as a god in the manga industry. He also had a great influence on animation. One of his major accomplishments, a revolutionary development in the field, was the production of Tetsuwan Atom (1963, Mushi Productions), the first domestic feature animation produced expressly for television broadcast. His continued work as the pioneer of Japanese television animation culminated in his Jungle Emperor Leo, the first color animation broadcast on television throughout the world.What did animation mean to Tezuka? He has left us with a very strong statement: “… my dream and passion belong to animation. That’s why I became a comic book writer.” (“Son shita toki, toku shita toki,” Asahi Shinbun, April 2, 1979). In fact, he invested a tremendous amount of his own wealth in establishing the animation production studio Mushi Productions in 1962, and in producing numerous animations, while managing his busy schedule to continue writing comic books. What, then, did he want to express through these animations? Some critics point out that he was heavily influenced by Walt Disney, and that he was simply imitating Disney’s works. Even in his first experimental animations, however, it can be argued that this is certainly not the case. Rather, his unique ideas were displayed in various ways. It might be more suitable to postulate that his works appeared similar to those of Walt Disney since contemporary animation techniques were unable to express fully what he meant to express.Taking this in account, here I focus on and analyze the expressive techniques in his animations. By analyzing his fourteen experimental animations, I conclude that he was not limited to certain techniques; his works display both pre-war and post-war techniques, traditional and original ideas, and newly created techniques. Previously, existing animations were the only source for studying animation techniques because few books were published on the topic. While it is evident that Tezuka incorporated many of Disney’s techniques, Disney was not his only source. He incorporated ideas from other animations and even from comic books; he basically used any technique available that could be applied to animation. His animations were a venue for him to explore new ideas using traditional animation as a foundation.

著者

クライナー ヨーゼフ

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 = INTERNATIONAL JAPANESE STUDIES (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.157-170, 2014-03-31

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This paper examines the ethnic and cultural autochthony of Japan through a review of paradigms in ethnology = cultural anthropology. In this process we discussed discourses of ethnologists, anthropologists or representatives of folklore studies like Edward Sylvester Morse, Henry von Siebold, Tsuboi Shōgorō, Torii Ryūzō, Koganei Yoshikiyo, Yanagita Kunio, Orikuchi Shinobu, Oka Masao, Izumi Seiichi and Sasaki Kōmei. As a result we could show that the ethnic and cultural autochthony of Japan is not a genuine and singular one but a pluralistic and complex one: we can adduce at least two "races" (the Yamato race and the Ainu race) and three cultures (the culture of Japan's mainland, Okinawan culture and Ainu culture). At the same time, inside of Japan's mainland, there is a great regional diversity of cultural elements and clusters. To pay attention to such a plurality will be beneficial when examining the "national identity" of Japan.

著者

漆原 和子 勝又 浩 藤塚 吉浩 谷口 誠一

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 = INTERNATIONAL JAPANESE STUDIES (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.151-172, 2007-05-31

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On the island of Okinoshima off the coast of Shikoku in the Uwa Sea are settlements situated on areas of flat ground secured out of steep terrain by stone walls. In Hirose, there remain stone walls built as windbreaks against typhoons and prevailing northwesterly winter winds. In Moshima, the stone windbreaks have been entirely replaced with concrete or block walls. The type of stone used on the island is Tertiary intrusive granite. The stonework is characterized by sharp corners, produced by stacking angularly cut stones at 90° angles to one another, and the walls are given a concave curvature when they exceed approximately two meters in height. In the case of long, high earth-retaining structures, stones are laid over the arched wall surface to increase strength. The stone walls on the island are in a typically Honshu style, the exemplar of which is Anō-zumi. Across the island, hidana are built instead of verandas. These temporary structures, which are unique to the island, are made from bamboo or PVC pipes that extend out from the stone walls of homes. However, some also span roads. Hidana provide shelter against the winds that ascend the steep terrain, allowing best use to be made of the scarce land available on the island.

著者

呉 恵京

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 = INTERNATIONAL JAPANESE STUDIES (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.305-330, 2010-08-10

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Furthermore, it is also surprising that not much studying has been done on Seo Mitsuo either, who created about 25 pieces of work during the period of 1932 and 1949 through a method known as “Sell Animation.” The purpose of this study is to understand Kenjo Masaoka, a genius of Sell Animation, and analyze his works in order to identify the nature of those works.There are five main points in conclusion: first, of division of labor was developed more by use of a cell, and that a big hint was given to a division system of an after Japan animation co. The thing in which two could express a movement of the character which makes a story stand out freely using a cell. Such as applying to a movie cartoon three of taking a picture, various methods are tried, consequently, the thing which improved the quality of a movie cartoon. I kept studying four music methods, and that musical visualization was advanced. Five kept educating the posterity represented by Mitsuyo Seo and others, and that their ability was improved.

著者

金山 喜昭 天野 紀代子 山中 玲子 澤登 寛聡 横山 泰子

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 = INTERNATIONAL JAPANESE STUDIES (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.119-137, 2003-10-31

著者

漆原 和子

出版者

法政大学国際日本学研究所

雑誌

国際日本学 = INTERNATIONAL JAPANESE STUDIES (ISSN:18838596)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.77-103, 2007-03-31

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On the island of Tsushima, situated between the Japanese mainland and South Korea, prevailing northeasterly to northwesterly winds during winter cause more problems for daily life than the typhoons that attack the island only rarely. It has hence been necessary for the inhabitants to find ways to protect themselves from these winds. On the western coast of the island, high stone walls of sandstone or slate have been built around residences. In addition to the main building, they also constructed separate sheds known as itakura for the storage of food, tools, and furniture. Traditionally with slate roofs, these sheds were also a type of insurance against the spread of fire. In recent years, tiles have replaced the slate.The city of Izuhara on the east coast is situated on an alluvial plain well protected from the prevailing winter winds. Since it was an old castle town with a quarter of densely built houses known as bukeyashiki, stone walls were constructed around the houses to prevent the spread of the fires that were common in such circumstances. Several of these fire-prevention walls survive even today. They date back to the sixteenth century or so.Two styles of dry stone wall construction can be observed on Tsushima. The first is what I tentatively call the Ryūkyū style, which is to be found in Ryūkyū and the southern Korean island of Cheju. It uses rounded stones at its corners. The second is what I tentatively call Honshu style, which is to be found on Honshu. It is characterized by sharp corners, curved inwards in the vertical axis, produced by stacking angularly cut stones at 90° angles to one another at the corners, while the remainder of the wall is of natural and cut stones piled in Anō-zumi fashion. The existence of the first type of wall suggests strong cultural influence from Korea.On the island of Okinoshima, further east in the Japan Sea, the seasonal prevailing winds have been warded off with a combination of hedges and stone walls. These stone walls are in the Honshu style; protection from the wind is also accomplished with wooden and bamboo fences. Walls of the Ryūkyū style, however, are not to be found on Okinoshima. The border of the Ryūkyū style is therefore located between Tsushima and Okinoshima, and this appears to represent a border of localization of a characteristic component of Japanese culture.