著者
梶 雅範
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.26, no.163, pp.140-155, 1987 (Released:2021-09-21)

Firstly, the author has analyzed Mendeleev's first paper on the periodicity and has shown that the development and the interaction of the following two concepts should play the important role in Mendeleev^ path to the discovery of the law, i.e., the concepts of fundamental im of matter and of chemical classification. Secondly, in order to show the course by which Mendeleev approached the dicovery, the author has examined his scientific works from 1854, when he published his first scientific paper, up to February 17(March 1 in present calendar system), 1869, when his first periodic table was compiled The study has shown that one can divide these years into three periods: I, 1854-61:II, 61-67: III, 68-69. Period I: His early work was concerned with the physicochemical properties of chemical substances which could be used as criteria cf their classification Though he could not reach satisfactory classification, his studies helped the development of his concepts of fundamental unit of matter, such as the atomic weight, the elements and so forth. Period II: Though he succeeded in systematization of organic compounds by his "theory of limits", he encountered difficulties in understanding so-called indefinite compounds in terms of atomic theory To avoid them, he distinguished the term "element" from "simple body" to give the former an attribute of "atom" and limited the scope of the atomic weight to definite compounds. Period III: The writing of the textbook Osnovy Khitnii (The Principles of Chemistry) in 1868 made him search for the fundamental property of elements for classification The comparison of the atomic weights of two dissmimilar groups of elements led him to conclude that the atomic weight is the fundamental property (i,e.,it belongs directly to his concept of "element" and determines all the other properties of elements), and that all the elements could be systematized in the table now known as the periodic table, if their atomic weights are used as criterion• These two interrelated recognitions are what he achieved through his discovery on February 17,1869.
著者
吉田 晴代 高田 誠二
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.26, no.161, pp.13-23, 1987 (Released:2021-09-22)

Joseph Fourier, known as the author of Theorie analytique de la chaleur (1822), had previously tried to confirm the results of his mathematical analysis by experiment and reported some details of these experiments in his first paper on heat conduction "Theorie de la propagation de la chaleur dans les solides" (1807). Additionally, in Fourier's MSS., left are many notes on his experiments dated before 1807. They give vivid evidence not only for Fourier's experimental skill, but also for the actual modes of physical experiments in his time. The aims of Fourier's experimental research were (1)to verify his ingenious foresights deducible from the theory—ex. experiments on the steady thermal state in annulus and on heat diffusion in annulus and spheres; (2) to analyze the physical conditions which affect the exactness of the experimental results but can not be expounded by purely mathematical means—ex. experiments on heat diffusion in spheres and cubes under various thermal condions; (3) to determine such physical constants as the ratio of external conductivity to internal one—ex. experiments on the steady state in annulus (which, though unsuccessful, was the stalling point for. new method) and (4) to carry out tests indispensable for applying mathematical analysis to such practical problems as the error and response of thermometers. Fourier's researches on heat conduction, so comprehensive as to cover theoretical analysis, experimental verification and even practical application, are really distinguished among the investigations contemporary with his ones.
著者
斉藤 国治 小沢 賢二
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.26, no.161, pp.24-36, 1987 (Released:2021-09-22)

Chun-Qiu (春秋) or the Spring and Autumn Annals is a chronicle of Luo (魯), a state of Ancient China, covering the period from 722 bc to 479 bc. It includes astronomical records such as solar eclipses, comets, planetary motions etc.. Among these data, solar eclipses, 37 in total, have been examined by many scholars to make clear the calendar of the period. Conclusion is that 33 among the above-mentioned 37 eclipses can be identified with those listed in Oppolzer's "Canon der Finsternisse", while the remaining four have been abandoned as doubtful because no eclipses can take place on the dates of the records. The present paper shows that two of the hitherto-doubted data (# 15 and # 22 of the Chun-Qiu eclipse numbers) can be turned out to be real eclipses solely by changing the year-numbers in the documents as follows. (1) In case of the # 15 eclipse, the original document says, "On a kui-mao day (癸卯) in the sixth month of the seventeenth year of Lord Xuan (宣公) ,a solar eclipse occurred" Simply change the "seventeenth" to the "seventh" in the document, then this record correspnds to Oppolzer's No. 1445 partial eclipse which was visible as much eclipsed as 0.36 in Qufu (曲阜), capital of Luo, in early morning on May 8, in 602 BC. (2) In case of the # 22 eclipse, the document says, "On the first day and geng-chen (庚辰) day in the tenth month of the 21st year of Lord Xian (襄公) a solar eclipse occurred." This hitherto-doubted record recovers its righteousness only by changing the "21 st" to the "26 th". Then the record is identified with the eclipse of Oppolzer's No. 1588 which was seen in Qufu in the evening of October 23, in 547 BC. At this time the sun set at 17:23 while being eclipsed as much as 0.26. (3) Julian days of these re-located eclipses are kui-mao and geng-chen, the same as in the originals. This cannot be a mere coincidence since probability of coincidence by chance between the sexagesimal dates is as small as 1/60. (4) The discovered misprints of dates may have been originated from any disorder of the bamboo tablets or from mistranscriptions in the later times. Anyway, addition of these two eclipses will be useful in order to study the calendar system of the Chun-Qiu Period.
著者
山崎 正勝
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.25, no.160, pp.225-234, 1986 (Released:2021-09-22)

The first idea of atomic bomb proposed by E. Fermi and, especially, L. Szilard, who was the real writer of Einstein's letter to President F D Roosevelt in 1939, was shown to be based on a fast neutron chain reaction in normal uranium which was later proved to be inert for fast neutrons At that time such an idea was also proposed independently by L. Peierls in Britain, but he soon abandoned it because of its great critical mass estimated theoretically by himself. The large scale enrichment of uranium was at first pursuited to produce a thermal nuclear chain reaction (the nuclear reactor) effectively. This stream was thus independent of that for the construction of the bomb at the early stage Those two streams above were, however, joined together in 1940 by O. Frisch and Peierls in their memorandum on a super bomb, which first showed the technological principle of atomic bomb based on the fast neutron chain reaction in pure uranium 235 In contrast to these two streams in the U.S. were kept divisitive by compartmentalization of information adopted by V.Bush, the chairman of NDRC. The idea of the Frisch-Peierls memorandum is studied in detail in comparison with the MAUD reports, the British official reports, completed in the summer of 1941. It is shown that the influence of the British research on the atomic bomb was the most important factor for the full start of the development of the bomb in the U.S. in the autumn of 1941. The problem on independence between NAS report of November 6,1941 and the MAUD reports is discussed.
著者
東 徹
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.25, no.160, pp.245-254, 1986 (Released:2021-09-22)

The juvenile magazine Shonen'en was the first to put in articles on science and technology in Japan. As it was well received, many magazines just like Shonen'en were published one after another. Shigeaki Nakagawa was one of famous journalists who wrote the articles on science in these juvenile magazines. He learned German from R. Lehmann who was a teacher of Ogakusha in Kyoto. He learned physical sciences through the learning of German When he was a teacher of Kyoto Normal School, he wrote many science textbooks on referring to F Schoedler's Das Buch der Natur. Then he resigned his post as a teacher, and he was engaged on a staff of the education magazine He published a magazine Shonen'en with Teisaburo Yamagata in 1888. Articles which he wrote in juvenile magazines incorporated a variety of ideas designed to arouse interest in science and technology. His articles had a great influence on the popularization of science to the youth. Enlightenment of science to the youth became gradually performed by specialists of science The main medium of science to the youth changed from the juvenile magazine to the book. So he ceased to play the role of popularizer of science to the youth.
著者
室井 和男
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.25, no.160, pp.261-266, 1986 (Released:2021-09-22)

A Babylonian capacity unit "silà" was also used as a unit of "thickness" of a log. Neugebauer and Sachs almost clarified the meaning of the silà through a study of YBC 4669, 8600, that is, "x silà of a log" means a capacity of a circular cylinder whose height is 6 šu-si But the contents of VAT 8522 Vs.I which treats the thickness of a log remains obscure despite their efforts. I find a clue to the solution to the calculation in VAT 8522 Vs.I in the expression of relation 1 silà=(6 šu-si)³=(0;l ninda)³ and the number 1;20 which is hidden in line (6a) of the text. Neugebauer suggested that 1;20 was a "normalizing constant" and I regard this as a proportional constant between the area of a square and the area of its inscribed circle in case of a certain equivalent transformation of a prism into a circular cylinder The process of the calculation made by a Babylonian scribe in a roundabout way is as follows. In the first place he takes the cubic roots of 1,4 silà and 8 silà, and gets 4 dal,2 dal respectively (unit; 6 šu-si). Namely he transforms each circular cylinder into a cube retaining the same volume. Consequently "dal" is a side of the cube and not a diameter here. Next after taking the average of the dais, an assumed circular cylinder which is inscribed in the averaged cube is introduced and the area its base is calculated by a usual formula. This "whole area" is multiplied by 6,40 ( = 5,0 * 1;20) to get the true volume. At this point Babylonian "normalization of a log" has been completed. The last calculation, which is omitted in the text is, in my judgement, as follows. By dividing the volume by the area of the base of the normalized log, the length of the log is obtained, and then by multiplying it by 9/10 the length of the log which should be cut down is obtained.

1 0 0 0 OA 紹介

出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.25, no.160, pp.267-282, 1986 (Released:2021-09-22)

1 0 0 0 OA 日本の金漆

著者
寺田 晁
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.25, no.159, pp.129-136, 1986 (Released:2021-04-03)