著者
河合 洋尚
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.17, no.2, pp.180-206, 2018

<p>This paper aims to reconsider the ethnic category of the Han in Vietnam, focusing especially on the Ngai people, a Han ethnic group from South China. In 1979, the government of Vietnam officially recognized them as the Dan Toc Ngai, one of the country's 54 ethnic groups. Therefore, the Ngai people were considered to be the aboriginal ethnic group of the Dan Toc Ngai in previous studies. Based on fieldwork, however, I found that the Ngai people are not completely equivalent to the Dan Toc Ngai, because some Ngai people in Vietnam belong to other ethnic groups, such as the Nung, Hoa, or San Diu. In this paper, I explicate the ethnic category of the Ngai people, clarifying their migration patterns, identity politics, and the formation of a global network since the end of the 1970s. In doing so, I emphasize that the Ngai people are identified as a definite trans-border ethnic group, and that the group's ethnic categories and identities may vary according to the socio-political situation. I will then highlight the necessity of understanding the Ngai people in the context of studying the Dan Toc Ngai and other Han people in Vietnam. </p>
著者
園中 曜子
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.15, no.2, pp.167-207, 2016-03-31 (Released:2016-04-20)
参考文献数
14

This paper deals with the development of the “visual public sphere” in the Republic of Turkey, by focusing on the Gezi Park Protests in 2013, in which people with a variety of ethnicity, religion or sexual orientation have engaged in political and cultural communication through visual images in public. In the visual public sphere, people communicate with each other based on a common sense regarding the needs of safety, recognition, and dignity in social life. This paper argues that the visual public sphere in Turkey developed from around 2008. From that time, people in Turkey began to use a lot of visual images as a means of communication in the public sphere in order to prevent intervention by the government and opposition groups. This paper aims to analyze the way in which visual images have played an important role in the Gezi Park Protests and show how the visual public sphere in Turkey took a new turn of development thereafter.
著者
杉島 敬志
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, no.2, pp.127-161, 2017

<p>This paper is a comparative study of indigenous polities and their origin myths in the Lionese-speaking area of central Flores, eastern Indonesia, to explore the Austronesian context in which an "unmarried" sister of the supreme chief assumes the status of female chief in Lise Tana Telu, the largest Lionese chiefdom. Although not all chiefdoms have such a female chief, it is widely recognized that the primordial cross-sex sibling bond in mythical, ritual and other forms functions is the source of life at the level of indigenous polity. On the other hand, in the domain of kinship, the same kind of source is posited not in the bond of cross-sex siblings but in that of the maternal and patrilineal progenitors. The primordial cross-sex siblingship at the polity level takes multiple and divergent forms in the Lionese-speaking area. By comparing these, it is concluded that the relationship between the female chief and the supreme chief in Lise Tana Telu is one of the realization forms. This paper is the first part of a comparative study, and its sequel extends the scope to encompass Austronesian peoples in Formosa, the central part of insular Southeast Asia, western Polynesia and elsewhere in order to refine the typologies developed concerning primordial siblingship in this paper. </p>
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.19, no.2, pp.235-273, 2020-03-31 (Released:2020-04-29)

騙し合う人たち―ナミビア,ナマのお金を巡る人間関係―藤田 翔炭を食べるサル―ザンジバルアカコロブスの採食行動―野田 健太郎学生運動とインド民主主義向田 公輝美人コンテストの舞台裏と「ミス」たちのその後依田 ひかり大雨によって引き起こされた直接交渉工藤 太地北タイ,山地の生活とグローバル化のダイナミクス―少数民族アカとコーヒーとの出会いを経て―奥野 衣莉香同じ釜の飯を食う髙村(井上) 満衣タイにおける大学での仏教教育泉 向日葵A Tale of Three Feral Dogs in the Annapurna Base Camp Trail, NepalSese Ma宝石と洪水の街で生きる土田 亮
著者
芝田 篤紀
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.19, no.1, pp.49-67, 2019

<p>The Merapi volcano in Indonesia has previously been studied in various fields as a typical active volcano in Asia. However, few studies have clarified the reconstruction process of agricultural land in the pyroclastic flow disaster area with a focus on both space and time. This study examined the reconstruction process of farmland damaged by pyroclastic flows of the Merapi volcano in 2010 in terms of changes in the lives of the local people. Changes in agricultural land and people's life as a result of pyroclastic flow damage were investigated by observation and interviews with local people. Damage by pyroclastic flow was found to be attributable to two causes: pyroclastic surge and direct pyroclastic flow. The pyroclastic flow sediments associated with these different types of damage were removed respectively by "mining" and "cleaning." Further, the different removal methods were shown to affect the crop species planted in the farmlands. This study also suggested that the type of pyroclastic flow sediment significantly influenced the occupations and income of the local people. </p>
著者
王 柳蘭
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.8, no.1, pp.22-51, 2008-09-30 (Released:2018-12-05)
参考文献数
32

Along the border of northern Thailand, there exist Yunnanese Muslim migrants’ communities. In China, Yunnanese Muslims are referred to as Hui. Despite the heterogeneity of Yunnanese Muslim society, little attention has been paid to the variation of migratory patterns and the factors which pushed migrants to settle in northern Thailand. This paper will focus on the migratory history of the Yunnanese Muslims from the middle of the nineteenth century to the latter half of the twentieth century based on oral histories gathered through intensive fieldwork, in relation to their transformation of the trans-border trade between Yunnan province and northern Thailand. Before the middle of the twentieth century, only a small number of Yunnanese Muslims lived in northern Thailand, most of whom were engaged in trans-border trade. They normally went to Thailand in the dry season, carrying hand-woven cottons, felts, silks, medicines, and household goods from Yunnan and returning home with ivory and traditional medicines, such as pilose antlers and bear gall bladders. Enriched by the flourishing trade, the Yunnanese Muslims built two mosques in the city of Chiang Mai in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries: Ban Ho mosque and Chang Phuek mosque. However, in the interviews I found that the Yunnanese Muslims who had settled as traders before the middle of the twentieth century accounted for only small portion of the present population in this area. Rather, most of them settled there after the latter half of the twentieth century. The reasons for migration changed drastically due to the civil turmoil in China, KMT (Kuomintang) aggression and socio-political instability in Burma. These factors also influenced their way of living, especially trade.
著者
井坂 理穂
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.281-291, 2002

A central purpose of this research note is to examine the way in which recent studies of the Partition of India have begun to focus on people's experiences and perceptions of this event and, in particular, the massive violence that surrounded it. It shows how, in this process of reconsidering Partition, some historians have begun to criticise the existing history-writings based on the nationalist discourse, which analysed only political developments among parties and politicians. To understand this new approach to Partition, it is necessary to look at the development of South Asian historiography from the 1980s, and more especially, important debates presented by the scholars of the so-called subaltern studies group on the 'fragments', 'oppressed voice' and 'silence' in history-writings. Some of these scholars, in order to discover where 'silence' lies, began to explore how memory of events was constructed and reconstructed by different groups of people, by interviewing them and comparing their narratives with each other and with other narratives in official documents and history books. This method is adopted by scholars such as Gyanendra Pandey and Urvashi Butalia in their works on Partition and violence. Another source that has played an important role in drawing scholars' attention to popular perceptions of Partition and violence is a wide range of literary texts and films which depict this event. They have highlighted the hidden stories of violence and the 'silence' in official histories, and recently begun to attract increasing attention from historians. Here I introduce mainly Amitav Ghosh's novel The Shadow Lines (1988) as an example. Taking a hint from it, at the end of this paper I suggest a few important aspects of Partition that still need to be explored.
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.18, no.1, pp.76-106, 2018-09-30 (Released:2018-10-31)

快走するグラフィティ―ナイロビの個性化するマタトゥ事情―池本 春美アジア人学生と若手研究者のための「京滋フィールドスクール2017」の概要と意義倉島 孝行「山下財宝」にとり憑かれる人々師田 史子The Social Impact of the Ebola Epidemic on Local Communities in GuineaMamadou Sadio Dialloウガンダ・ニャムリロ湿地における農地利用と生態系の保全堀 光順Diplomatic Practices in Nepal-Japan Relations: A Comparative Study Based on Regime ChangeSharmila Thapa
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, no.2, pp.313-329, 2015

人民戦争を生きた治療師たち<BR>中村 友香<BR><BR>「客人たちの父」預言者イブラーヒームのおもてなし―パレスチナ自治区・ヘブロン/ハリールの食事配給施設を訪ねて―<BR>山本 健介<BR><BR>「目覚めた人」が,日々瞑想し続ける理由<BR>松岡 佐知<BR><BR>ブルネイの人々がめざす新しい経済―イスラーム金融に寄せられる期待を描く―<BR>上原健太郎
著者
中島 岳志
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
no.3, pp.186-223, 2003

The Hindu nationalist movement has been gaining momentum since the 1980s. Led by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the Hindu nationalist movement has produced various related organizations, such as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP). These organizations, known generically as Sangh Pariwar, have great infl uence in contemporary India. The BJP is presently the governing party, and the prime minister, A. B. Vajpayee, was a member of the RSS. This paper discusses the activities of Sewa Bharti, another Sangh Pariwar organization, in a slum area of New Delhi. Earlier studies have portrayed the Hindu nationalist movement phenomenon of the upper and middle classes. My research shows that this movement also quickly spread among the lower social strata. This paper shows the process by which the Hindu nationalist movement spread among the lower social strata.
著者
宮沢 千尋
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.15, no.2, pp.208-233, 2016

While the property rights of men and women have been the cause of disputes in premodern Vietnam, many scholars have paid attention only to the quantity of land divided between men and women. Of the property for ancestor worship, scholars have paid attention only to 'fire and incense' (hương hỏa), a kind of property for ancestor worship inherited by mainly men. To better understand women's status in Vietnamese society much, this article examines the inheritance of another kind of property for ancestor worship - anniversary rice fields (kỵ điền) - and women's role in ancestor worship. In pre-modern Vietnam, daughters sometimes received equal rights of ownership or cultivation of anniversary rice fields as sons. In exchange for receiving anniversary rice fields, daughters had duties to worship their ancestors. Parents sometimes stipulated in testaments that both sons and daughters should fulfill the duty of ancestor worship equally and forever. Even after marrying out, daughters continued to fulfill their duties of worship with their husband and children or grand-children. In some cases, children and grand-children inherited their mother's anniversary rice fields in order to continue to worship their mother's ancestors, contrary to the Confucian patrilineal norm. From the anthropological point of view, this phenomenon also represents an ancestorcentered kinship idea similar to cognatic stock, rather than an ego-centered idea such as kindred.
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, no.2, pp.198-226, 2017

<p>双子を希望する女性たち ―『ガールズトーク』にみるウガンダ女性の結婚・出産観―<br/>中澤 芽衣<br/><br/>ネパール山間医療の過去と現在 ―村人と生きる,パルパ郡タンセン病院―<br/>中村 友香<br/><br/>海は道,空は地図<br/>中野 真備<br/><br/>声を上げる活動家たち<br/>鶴田 星子<br/><br/>暴動の記憶<br/>宮園 琢也<br/><br/>'Moderate' Fatness is Desirable: Beliefs Related to Body Size in Mukono, Central Uganda<br/>Seera Georgina<br/><br/>広西壮族自治区のトン族集落における居住空間 ―風水と「政策移動」―<br/>黄 潔</p>
著者
新井 一寛
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, no.2, pp.471-488, 2007

<p>This article elucidates the initial formation process of a Sufi order through a certain saint's relation with his devotees. This saint is a descendant of Prophet Muhammad. His devotees think that he has knowledge of Islam, special power by which he can even kill people, and personal magnetism. I consider that the community that is formed around the saint is one in which devotees share the original Islamic view of the world, and which represents the initial state of Sufi orders before systematization. Before the 19th century, when the institutionalization and systematization of Sufi orders by the state started, there were religious groups centering on a certain charismatic person in Egypt. </p>
著者
アダル ラジャ
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1, pp.300-307, 2001

<p>This research note explores an innovative methodological approach to the study of Shakib Arslan. Often perceived as a redoubtable anti-colonial activist, Arslan also earned a place in the pantheon of Arab nationalism, and has recently been rediscovered as the central figure of interwar Europe's transnational Islamic movements. This research seeks to integrate these multiple fractionalized images of Arslan within an integrative approach. It begins by placing Arslan within the context of a unified Islamic consciousness unconcerned with national, regional and cultural frontiers. Although this vision of a united Islamic umma permeated Arslan's self-consciousness, the relationship between Arslan's Islamic revivalist thought and his Arab nationalist thought has all too often been understood within the context of the nationalist paradigm. Rather than understanding religion as one element of the nationalist consciousness, this research proposes a three-vectored approach uniting Arab nationalism, the Islamic Revival, and Westernization-modernization within a dynamically integrated system of mutually interactive vectors. This tripartite system both analyzes Arslan's thought along these three axes, and makes each strand of thought dependent on the two others. Depending on time, place, and a multiplicity of factors in Arslan's existence, each intellectual current evolves in dynamic relation with the other intellectual currents, resulting in a unique symbiosis integrating elements of Arab nationalism, Westernization-modernization, and the Islamic revival within a single world view. </p>
著者
玉田 芳史
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1, pp.155-185, 2001

<p>In May 1992, a Thai premier backed by the military was forced to resign after a bloody crackdown on a large anti-government rally. Scholars and political observers regard this incident as a crucial conjuncture in the democratization of Thai politics. <BR/>This essay argues that the Thai middle class stole the credit from Chamlong, who was—objectively speaking—the undisputed leader of the democratization movement. This political expropriation was possible for three reasons. First, the king's neutral stance during the conflict did not favor Chamlong so much. Second, there was an orchestrated effort to blame Chamlong for the bloodshed. This campaign of vilification even involved members of the "democratic forces." <BR/>Finally, success of the movement led to the mounting assertiveness of the middle class and the mass media that represented this class. Their boldness brought about the political reform that found its mark in the 1997 constitution. Yet, there also emerged a curious discourse during the sturggle, wherein analysts assumed that the democratic movement was middle-class-dominated. These observers further took for granted that the middle class was inherently pro-democracy without providing evidence. Credit therefore had been overly focused on the middle class without any consideration of how the other classes figured in the movement. This essay suggests that the middle class also had a conservative element in it. This conservative faction regarded Chamlong as "too radical" in the sense that he resorted to street protests and politics outside the parliament—both of which they then regarded as taboo in Thai politics. As a result, Chamlong, whose political star rose in May 1992, was unable to maintain his high profile and moral standing. He was eventually forced to retire from politics, and his failure became a bitter lesson for those who sought to emulate him by mobilizing the mass in street politics. His withdrawal also further empowered his conservative and liberal opponents. </p>