著者

石内 良季

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.1, pp.96-122, 2023-09-30 (Released:2023-10-27)

参考文献数

42

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This paper attempts to clarify the various aspects and changes in the folklore of “mountain monsters,” Gredmo and Mirgon, in Bhutan. In Bhutan, the only Buddhist kingdom remaining in the Himalaya, Buddhist culture can be seen in every aspect of life, but local belief elements, such as local deities and the rituals practiced by local professionals, are further components of people’s religious life. Among them, Gredmo/Mirgon have appeared in human living areas and village boundaries. They have also been discussed in various aspects of individual relationships. However, the relationship between people and Gredmo/Mirgon has been transformed by social changes such as development and by the influence of Buddhism, and there are multiple interpretations of Gredmo/Mirgon. The case of Gredmo/Mirgon folklore reveals the multi-layered nature of the religious sphere of Bhutanese village society, which cannot be described monolithically, and the importance of understanding the society through the tradition and reality of “mountain monsters.”

著者

片岡 樹

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.1, pp.1-42, 2014-11-30 (Released:2015-03-30)

参考文献数

79

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This paper aims to reconsider existing arguments on “Thai Buddhism” by referring to legal status and activities of Chinese temples. Chinese temples in Thailand have dropped from the officially recognized domain of “religious places” since the Thai government translated the western concept of religion as satsana. This means that the vast majority of Chinese temples have flourished outside the government’s control of officially registered religions. Nevertheless, Chinese temples provide venues for lay Buddhists to worship Buddhism-related deities, and indeed, worshippers at such Chinese temples are also Buddhists in an official (statistical) and broader sense.In Phuket, such Chinese temples as non-religious places occupy considerable parts of locally practiced Buddhism, and their activities run contrary to previous assumptions on “Thai Buddhism” provided by a series of Sangha-centric arguments. These facts remind us that the Sangha-centric view on “Thai Buddhism” is too narrow to articulate its actual components. Actual “Thai Buddhism” has always relied on such “non-religious” elements as Chinese temples to sustain itself.

著者

横田 貴之

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.438-453, 2006

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This article aims to examine the goal of the political activities of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood under President Mubārak's 'democratization,' by analyzing the Reform Initiative of the Muslim Brotherhood (Mubādara al-Murshid al-'Āmm li-l-Ikhwān al- Muslimīn hawla al-Mabādi' al-'Āmma li-l-I.slāh fī Mi.sr) published in March 2004, under the leadership of the General Guide Muhammad Mahdī 'Ākif. After the severe attack by Nasser regime in the 1950s-60s, the Brotherhood succeeded in reestablishing itself as the major Islamic movement in Egypt in the 1970s. Although the Brotherhood revived as a de facto political force, the government never lifted its illegal status for fear that it might rise as a new political competitor. As a result, its socio-political power has been limited. The Reform Initiative, which I will analyze in this article, aims to reform Egypt comprehensively and serves as the framework of the Brotherhood's activities. The goal of the Brotherhood's current political activities is to realize the ideas of the Reform Initiative, which demonstrates its attempt to overcome the organizational constraints stemming from its illegal status. Whether the Brotherhood will be legalized or not is one of the most important issues in the Egypt now, and will infl uence the future of Egyptian politics.

著者

森田 健嗣

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.1, pp.1-19, 2015-11-30 (Released:2016-03-23)

参考文献数

81

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This paper discusses the decolonization process of Taiwanese aborigines. China, which governed Taiwan after World War II, was unaware of the existence of Taiwanese aborigines. Thus, they merely acted on the understanding that the people of the plains in Taiwan welcomed the government officials of the mother country. While a few aborigines had started a movement for decolonization after the 228 Incident of 1947, the movement was quickly suppressed. The following then happened in the 1950s. The administrator excluded all of the Chinese Communist Party, which was considered to be an “enemy.” Furthermore, unitary policies evolved in Taiwan, such as national language education and the policy to make the mountains like the plains. Additionally, the aborigines’ traditional religion began to be replaced by Christianity. Taiwanese aborigines were minorities, and the Han race was predominant in Taiwan. Because of these religious and policy-related changes, it became difficult to maintain and pass on the aborigines’ original culture.

著者

井坂 理穂

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.281-291, 2002-11-30 (Released:2018-12-05)

参考文献数

26

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A central purpose of this research note is to examine the way in which recent studies of the Partition of India have begun to focus on people's experiences and perceptions of this event and, in particular, the massive violence that surrounded it. It shows how, in this process of reconsidering Partition, some historians have begun to criticise the existing history-writings based on the nationalist discourse, which analysed only political developments among parties and politicians. To understand this new approach to Partition, it is necessary to look at the development of South Asian historiography from the 1980s, and more especially, important debates presented by the scholars of the so-called subaltern studies group on the ‘fragments’, ‘oppressed voice’ and ‘silence’ in history-writings. Some of these scholars, in order to discover where ‘silence’ lies, began to explore how memory of events was constructed and reconstructed by different groups of people, by interviewing them and comparing their narratives with each other and with other narratives in official documents and history books. This method is adopted by scholars such as Gyanendra Pandey and Urvashi Butalia in their works on Partition and violence. Another source that has played an important role in drawing scholars' attention to popular perceptions of Partition and violence is a wide range of literary texts and films which depict this event. They have highlighted the hidden stories of violence and the ‘silence’ in official histories, and recently begun to attract increasing attention from historians. Here I introduce mainly Amitav Ghosh's novel The Shadow Lines (1988) as an example. Taking a hint from it, at the end of this paper I suggest a few important aspects of Partition that still need to be explored.

著者

伊賀 司

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.1, pp.73-102, 2017

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This paper explores the politics of sexuality issues (sexuality politics) between the government and the LGBT movement in Malaysia since the 1980s. The Malaysian LGBT movement has faced repressive government policies and discrimination from society. However, some LGBT movements in the post-Mahathir era, such as Seksualiti Merdeka, Justice for Sisters, and Pelangi, have associated with the other NGOs and social movements and actively advocated the protection of LGBT people's human rights in public spaces. This paper explores when and how sexuality politics between the state and the LGBT movement appeared in Malaysia. Four incidents or moments were found to be important for the birth of sexuality politics in Malaysia: Islamization since the 1980s, the Asian Values discourse during the Mahathir administration, the HIV/AIDS epidemic, and the sodomy court case of Anwar Ibrahim. In the post-Mahathir era, the state has introduced new ways of repressing LGBT people, while the LGBT movements have also adopted new strategies.

著者

河合 洋尚

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.2, pp.180-206, 2018-03-31 (Released:2018-05-12)

参考文献数

29

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This paper aims to reconsider the ethnic category of the Han in Vietnam, focusing especially on the Ngai people, a Han ethnic group from South China. In 1979, the government of Vietnam officially recognized them as the Dan Toc Ngai, one of the country’s 54 ethnic groups. Therefore, the Ngai people were considered to be the aboriginal ethnic group of the Dan Toc Ngai in previous studies. Based on fieldwork, however, I found that the Ngai people are not completely equivalent to the Dan Toc Ngai, because some Ngai people in Vietnam belong to other ethnic groups, such as the Nung, Hoa, or San Diu. In this paper, I explicate the ethnic category of the Ngai people, clarifying their migration patterns, identity politics, and the formation of a global network since the end of the 1970s. In doing so, I emphasize that the Ngai people are identified as a definite trans-border ethnic group, and that the group’s ethnic categories and identities may vary according to the socio-political situation. I will then highlight the necessity of understanding the Ngai people in the context of studying the Dan Toc Ngai and other Han people in Vietnam.

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.1, pp.124-154, 2021-09-30 (Released:2021-11-02)

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リモートな現地調査小山 祐実 人が住む世界と野生動物が棲む世界との境界線はどうあるべきか―屋久島からガボンへ― 大坂 桃子 週末に「帰る」場所―台北の「リトル・インドネシア」―柴山 元 Kwanteebio and the Ethnic Chinese in MedanDevin Sukardi 妖怪ではない「カッパ」―岩手県遠野市の「民話」文化の古層に向かって―森内 こゆき 食でつながる国境なき世界―日本とレバノン料理―中西 萌 ブルーリ潰瘍との出会いとボーイスカウト運動小川 雄暉

著者

太田至

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究

巻号頁・発行日

no.2, 2002-11-30

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.1, pp.125-141, 2015

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伊藤正子・吉井美知子編.『原発輸出の欺瞞―日本とベトナム,「友好」関係の舞台裏』明石書店, 2015年, 216p.<BR>昼間 賢<BR><BR>森下明子.『天然資源をめぐる政治と暴力―現代インドネシアの地方政治』京都大学学術出版会,2015年,250p.<BR>見市 建<BR><BR>杉島敬志編.『複ゲーム状況の人類学―東南アジアにおける構想と実践』風響社,2014年, 382p.<BR>山口 亮太<BR><BR>Ferdinando Sardella. Modern Hindu Personalism: The History, Life, and Thought of Bhaktisiddhānta Sarasvatī. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013. xiii+342p.<BR>間 永次郎

著者

倉橋 愛

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.1, pp.128-138, 2020-09-30 (Released:2020-11-10)

参考文献数

16

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This paper focusses on the heads and munshis (native language teachers) of the Hindustani Department at Fort William College (FWC), who undertook several educational and translation activities. Further, this paper attempts to organise information on their careers and activities at the college. FWC was established in Calcutta in 1800 with the aim of educating junior officers of the British East India Company who were to be assigned to administrative posts in India. Although the college was abolished in 1854, it succeeded in producing many competent individuals. The FWC Faculty Division was divided into the European Establishment and the Native Establishment. Western teachers belonged to the European Establishment, and teachers from the East belonged to the Native Establishment. One of the characteristics of FWC was that munshis worked under the instruction of European teachers. The language teachers at FWC mainly taught one or more Indian languages such as Hindustani, Arabic, Persian, and Bengali. Heads of the Hindustani Department who followed John Borthwick Gilchrist produced no noteworthy achievements, but they did work to promote FWC’s educational activities and the status of teachers. In addition, FWC hired munshis in a way that was recognised by FWC officials, and the munshis were invited to the college. It is noteworthy that Lallulāl was a munshi at FWC for an extended period and emphatically promoted FWC’s publication activities. Such activities by the munshis prolonged the continuation of FWC.

著者

間 永次郎

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.1, pp.39-72, 2017-11-30 (Released:2017-12-13)

参考文献数

55

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This paper examines the relationship between Gandhi’s first nationalist movement (1919-1922) and his contemporaneous experiments with brahmacarya (sexual celibacy). Although voluminous works have dealt with Gandhi’s political engagements in the first nationalist movement, they have dismissed the significance of Gandhi’s experiments with brahmacarya during the movement; thus they have failed to unravel the reason behind Gandhi’s sudden suspension in response to the Chauri-Chaura riot. In this paper, I explore the development of Gandhi’s core idea of brahmacarya, namely “semen-retention (vīryasaṇgrah),” during 1918 to 1922. In so doing, I show that Gandhi’s purportedly “odd” and “paradoxical” ideas of “nonviolence in violence” (“hiṃsāmāṃ ahiṃsā”) and the “ethics of destruction” (the public burning of foreign clothes) during the movement were intimately linked to Gandhi’s inner psychological tensions created by his repressed manner of brahmacarya. Gandhi kept his “silence” about the massacre of the Moplah riot, which caused 10,000 deaths, but he suddenly responded to the Chauri-Chaura riot, which only caused 23 deaths. This was because only the latter could have made Gandhi aware of his inadequate manner of brahmacarya. What mattered to Gandhi was not the scale of physical violence in the outer-world, but rather the scale of the psycho-physical violence of his sexual desire.

著者

須永 恵美子

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

no.12, pp.157-191, 2012

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This paper aims to study historical discourses of Pakistan in the context of the modern Islamic world. Although the history of Pakistan has long been a subject of study, there is little agreement on the define of Pakistani people or Pakistan itself. School textbooks offer a key to understanding how Pakistani people share a historical view of the dynamic transformations in South Asia. Here, I analyse historical discourses to show the historical perception of Pakistan based on primary documents written in Urdu: for example, textbooks for Urdu language and Pakistan Studies for Pakistani students (primary and secondary level), published by the Punjab or Sind state government textbook board. Textbooks are categorised into four periods: first, the Islamic Sultanate State to the Mughal period; second, the British colonial period to the freedom movement; third, Kashmir and the national security force; and fourth, multi-ethnicity and the Islamic brotherhood. I will clarify the historical discourses and determine the image of nationhood in Pakistan.

著者

内山田 康

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.2, pp.148-173, 2014

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This is an attempt to follow and describe from the perspective of Simondonian ontogenesis the emerging imbroglios constituted interactively by leaking radioactive materials, inorganic substances, organisms, institutions, interests and words in the wake of the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster. People attempt to control such irreclaimable imbroglios, at least at the level of political discourse fortified with technical symbols: imbroglios are artificially dissected and are placed in separate domains, premised on different scales. The one constituted with political language, by nature, cannot speak for those formed at the levels of molecules, organisms and eco-systems. Despite Prime Minister Abe's assertion that "the situation is under control," the radioactive water continues to leak into the soil and into the ocean. Words that re-present the situation do not correspond with what is happening "out there." A fisherman I met in Hisanohama was trying to promote the safety of fish caught off the coast. "Fish from Fukushima are safe to eat." Yet, he wouldn't let his son eat those very fish. Agricultural Cooperatives and Fukushima City use locally produced rice in school lunches in order to send a positive signal to consumers. "Rice from Fukushima is safe to eat." Parents of small children in Fukushima, however, do not necessarily trust the basis of the safely standards for radiation protection. I describe various attempts by non-experts and nonconforming experts to follow the imbroglios of hidden actors in the vicinity of nuclear power plants. Following the imbroglios is a task of extreme difficulty. The essay ends with an imagined conversation on the method with Akira Adachi.

著者

小川 さやか

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.579-599, 2006

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This paper analyzes how the unique business practices of small-scale traders dealing in second-hand clothes have changed under the recent socio-economic transformation in Tanzania. The business practices described here involve a kind of credit transaction called mali kauli, which is conducted by middlemen and micro-scale retailers. This transaction conferred many economic benefi ts to both kinds of merchants when I conducted research in 2001-02. However, middlemen and retailers were fi nding it diffi cult to sustain this type of transaction in 2003-05, when I conducted further research, because of dramatic socio-economic structural changes taking place in Tanzania. When their business reached this critical situation, the problems faced by both middlemen and retailers was not how they should respond to situational change by individual action or by collective action but how they should reconstruct their personal economic relations by using the logic of reciprocity. In conclusion, I argue that the business practices have changed through the manipulation of the power relationship between middleman and retailers, who are trying to be self-dependent and social at the same time.

著者

佐川 徹

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.1, pp.30-64, 2009-09-30 (Released:2018-12-05)

参考文献数

62

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This study examines the issue of war between the Daasanach and neighboring pastoral groups in the border area of Ethiopia, Kenya, and Sudan from the perspective of the individual. Most previous anthropological studies of war have focused on the relation of war to the ecological setting, social structure, cultural logic, or historical background of a given area, often presupposing that when war breaks out, individuals act in subordination to certain external norms. There are two problems with such an approach. First, studies of the causes and social functions of war have often not considered the actual physical violence that occurs on the battlefield and its influence on the individual. Second, insufficient attention has been paid to individual decision-making processes and choices of action.Among the Daasanach, it is adult males who are expected to go to war. Nevertheless, men do not homogeneously mobilize for war. In this paper, I examine (1) the ideology that mobilizes men to go to war, (2) individual experiences of the battlefield and how reflection on those experiences affects an individual's choice of action when the next war arises, and (3) how people accept others' decisions to join or abstain from a war.

著者

松井 梓

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.2, pp.161-193, 2022-03-31 (Released:2022-04-16)

参考文献数

26

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In Mozambique Island, a tiny island on the Indian Ocean, gossip is pervasive among women in the neighborhood. In discussions of gossip in cultural anthropology, structural functionalists stress its function to maintain order in society through sanctioning one’s behavior, while transactionalists emphasize the intentions of the gossipers, which can cause disharmony. However, this dichotomy may not accurately capture the picture, since the consequences of gossip can always be temporary and unfinished. This paper aims to show how island women are able to be co-present with neighbors in this small, densely populated island with intense gossip. Even though island women are embedded in such intimate neighborhood relations, where neighbors have strong interests in others and seek connection with them to exchange food, and where gossip is a major interest to them as well as a concern to those about whom it circulates, people tend to ignore the outcomes of gossip and do not care too gravely about gossip against themselves. What enables these attitudes is, firstly, the unique social space of co-presence in the island; neighborhood relations are densely knit, but they are also fragmented into small groups with fluid and changeable boundaries, making the circles of gossip temporary and uncertain. Further, although the island women seek connections with neighbors, they have an attitude of not giving themselves too freely to others nor requiring full trust or strong emotional connection with them. They are what maintain the co-presence of women in densely populated neighborhoods, through dissolving the functions and intentions of gossip, making them uncertain.

著者

下條 尚志

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

no.8, pp.101-106, 2008

著者

伊藤 正子

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.2, pp.258-286, 2018-03-31 (Released:2018-05-12)

参考文献数

21

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In Vietnam, people must belong to one of the 54 ethnic groups recognized by the state. In the agricultural hilly area in the north, nearly 100,000 people are self-proclaimed Ngai, who speak a kind of Hakka language. Though the state accommodated the new category ‘Ngai’ to pull them apart from China during the Chinese-Vietnamese War in 1979, the cadres in the rural area compelled the Ngai people to register themselves as Hoa, as they regard the people with Chinese-origin as Hoa. According to the Statistics Bureau of Vietnam, only around 1,000 people are recognized as Ngai. In this study, I consider the difficulty faced by one ethnic group to live in country A, which conflicts with country B, to which they originally belong. To this end, I clarify the life histories of the self-proclaiming Ngai. They are publicly regarded as reactionary in nature, but many Ngai cooperated with the Viet Minh and did not leave Vietnam even in 1978-79. As discriminatory policies were implemented without public knowledge, the Ngai faced severe hardships in the 20th century. Recently, however, the young Ngai are pioneering their way to a better life by going to work in China, using the new network that was established during the war.

著者

茅根 由佳

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.1, pp.28-48, 2019-09-30 (Released:2019-11-02)

参考文献数

77

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Indonesia’s largest Sunni Islamic organization, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), has embraced moderation and tolerance of religious minorities, under the leadership of religious pluralists. Academic works on Indonesia’s Islam have often attributed hostile and exclusive attitudes toward religious minorities, especially toward Shi’a, to groups under influence of Wahhabism. Observers of Indonesia’s Islam in the past decade, however, have witnessed increasing violence against religious minorities by NU members using similar rhetoric to that deployed by Wahhabi-inspired groups. What accounts for the emerging trend of intolerance? Specifically, what motivates certain NU members to engage in persecution of minorities? This paper shows that the power struggle within the organization primarily motivates rank-and-file individuals to mobilize the masses by using anti-minority rhetoric with the aim of jeopardizing the moderate leadership and advancing their own standing. Among the emerging opponents of the pluralist leadership are disciples of Sayyid Muhammad Alawi al-Maliki (1944–2004) in Mecca. Despite the moderate teaching of al-Maliki, some disciples who seek influence beyond the organization are increasingly using anti-Shi’a rhetoric to mobilize the masses in this electoral democracy. The paper explores their historical trajectory, and then analyzes development after the democratization as well as the limitations that prevent them from expanding their influence at the national level.