著者
横田 貴之
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
no.6, pp.438-453, 2006

This article aims to examine the goal of the political activities of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood under President Mubārak's 'democratization,' by analyzing the Reform Initiative of the Muslim Brotherhood (Mubādara al-Murshid al-'Āmm li-l-Ikhwān al- Muslimīn hawla al-Mabādi' al-'Āmma li-l-I.slāh fī Mi.sr) published in March 2004, under the leadership of the General Guide Muhammad Mahdī 'Ākif. After the severe attack by Nasser regime in the 1950s-60s, the Brotherhood succeeded in reestablishing itself as the major Islamic movement in Egypt in the 1970s. Although the Brotherhood revived as a de facto political force, the government never lifted its illegal status for fear that it might rise as a new political competitor. As a result, its socio-political power has been limited. The Reform Initiative, which I will analyze in this article, aims to reform Egypt comprehensively and serves as the framework of the Brotherhood's activities. The goal of the Brotherhood's current political activities is to realize the ideas of the Reform Initiative, which demonstrates its attempt to overcome the organizational constraints stemming from its illegal status. Whether the Brotherhood will be legalized or not is one of the most important issues in the Egypt now, and will infl uence the future of Egyptian politics.
著者
片岡 樹
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, no.1, pp.1-42, 2014-11-30 (Released:2015-03-30)
参考文献数
79

This paper aims to reconsider existing arguments on “Thai Buddhism” by referring to legal status and activities of Chinese temples. Chinese temples in Thailand have dropped from the officially recognized domain of “religious places” since the Thai government translated the western concept of religion as satsana. This means that the vast majority of Chinese temples have flourished outside the government’s control of officially registered religions. Nevertheless, Chinese temples provide venues for lay Buddhists to worship Buddhism-related deities, and indeed, worshippers at such Chinese temples are also Buddhists in an official (statistical) and broader sense.In Phuket, such Chinese temples as non-religious places occupy considerable parts of locally practiced Buddhism, and their activities run contrary to previous assumptions on “Thai Buddhism” provided by a series of Sangha-centric arguments. These facts remind us that the Sangha-centric view on “Thai Buddhism” is too narrow to articulate its actual components. Actual “Thai Buddhism” has always relied on such “non-religious” elements as Chinese temples to sustain itself.
著者
伊賀 司
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.17, no.1, pp.73-102, 2017

This paper explores the politics of sexuality issues (sexuality politics) between the government and the LGBT movement in Malaysia since the 1980s. The Malaysian LGBT movement has faced repressive government policies and discrimination from society. However, some LGBT movements in the post-Mahathir era, such as Seksualiti Merdeka, Justice for Sisters, and Pelangi, have associated with the other NGOs and social movements and actively advocated the protection of LGBT people's human rights in public spaces. This paper explores when and how sexuality politics between the state and the LGBT movement appeared in Malaysia. Four incidents or moments were found to be important for the birth of sexuality politics in Malaysia: Islamization since the 1980s, the Asian Values discourse during the Mahathir administration, the HIV/AIDS epidemic, and the sodomy court case of Anwar Ibrahim. In the post-Mahathir era, the state has introduced new ways of repressing LGBT people, while the LGBT movements have also adopted new strategies.
著者
森田 健嗣
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.15, no.1, pp.1-19, 2015-11-30 (Released:2016-03-23)
参考文献数
81

This paper discusses the decolonization process of Taiwanese aborigines. China, which governed Taiwan after World War II, was unaware of the existence of Taiwanese aborigines. Thus, they merely acted on the understanding that the people of the plains in Taiwan welcomed the government officials of the mother country. While a few aborigines had started a movement for decolonization after the 228 Incident of 1947, the movement was quickly suppressed. The following then happened in the 1950s. The administrator excluded all of the Chinese Communist Party, which was considered to be an “enemy.” Furthermore, unitary policies evolved in Taiwan, such as national language education and the policy to make the mountains like the plains. Additionally, the aborigines’ traditional religion began to be replaced by Christianity. Taiwanese aborigines were minorities, and the Han race was predominant in Taiwan. Because of these religious and policy-related changes, it became difficult to maintain and pass on the aborigines’ original culture.

4 0 0 0 書評

出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.15, no.1, pp.125-141, 2015

伊藤正子・吉井美知子編.『原発輸出の欺瞞―日本とベトナム,「友好」関係の舞台裏』明石書店, 2015年, 216p.<BR>昼間 賢<BR><BR>森下明子.『天然資源をめぐる政治と暴力―現代インドネシアの地方政治』京都大学学術出版会,2015年,250p.<BR>見市 建<BR><BR>杉島敬志編.『複ゲーム状況の人類学―東南アジアにおける構想と実践』風響社,2014年, 382p.<BR>山口 亮太<BR><BR>Ferdinando Sardella. Modern Hindu Personalism: The History, Life, and Thought of Bhaktisiddhānta Sarasvatī. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013. xiii+342p.<BR>間 永次郎
著者
河合 洋尚
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.17, no.2, pp.180-206, 2018-03-31 (Released:2018-05-12)
参考文献数
29

This paper aims to reconsider the ethnic category of the Han in Vietnam, focusing especially on the Ngai people, a Han ethnic group from South China. In 1979, the government of Vietnam officially recognized them as the Dan Toc Ngai, one of the country’s 54 ethnic groups. Therefore, the Ngai people were considered to be the aboriginal ethnic group of the Dan Toc Ngai in previous studies. Based on fieldwork, however, I found that the Ngai people are not completely equivalent to the Dan Toc Ngai, because some Ngai people in Vietnam belong to other ethnic groups, such as the Nung, Hoa, or San Diu. In this paper, I explicate the ethnic category of the Ngai people, clarifying their migration patterns, identity politics, and the formation of a global network since the end of the 1970s. In doing so, I emphasize that the Ngai people are identified as a definite trans-border ethnic group, and that the group’s ethnic categories and identities may vary according to the socio-political situation. I will then highlight the necessity of understanding the Ngai people in the context of studying the Dan Toc Ngai and other Han people in Vietnam.
著者
須永 恵美子
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
no.12, pp.157-191, 2012

This paper aims to study historical discourses of Pakistan in the context of the modern Islamic world. Although the history of Pakistan has long been a subject of study, there is little agreement on the define of Pakistani people or Pakistan itself. School textbooks offer a key to understanding how Pakistani people share a historical view of the dynamic transformations in South Asia. Here, I analyse historical discourses to show the historical perception of Pakistan based on primary documents written in Urdu: for example, textbooks for Urdu language and Pakistan Studies for Pakistani students (primary and secondary level), published by the Punjab or Sind state government textbook board. Textbooks are categorised into four periods: first, the Islamic Sultanate State to the Mughal period; second, the British colonial period to the freedom movement; third, Kashmir and the national security force; and fourth, multi-ethnicity and the Islamic brotherhood. I will clarify the historical discourses and determine the image of nationhood in Pakistan.
著者
内山田 康
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, no.2, pp.148-173, 2014

This is an attempt to follow and describe from the perspective of Simondonian ontogenesis the emerging imbroglios constituted interactively by leaking radioactive materials, inorganic substances, organisms, institutions, interests and words in the wake of the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster. People attempt to control such irreclaimable imbroglios, at least at the level of political discourse fortified with technical symbols: imbroglios are artificially dissected and are placed in separate domains, premised on different scales. The one constituted with political language, by nature, cannot speak for those formed at the levels of molecules, organisms and eco-systems. Despite Prime Minister Abe's assertion that "the situation is under control," the radioactive water continues to leak into the soil and into the ocean. Words that re-present the situation do not correspond with what is happening "out there." A fisherman I met in Hisanohama was trying to promote the safety of fish caught off the coast. "Fish from Fukushima are safe to eat." Yet, he wouldn't let his son eat those very fish. Agricultural Cooperatives and Fukushima City use locally produced rice in school lunches in order to send a positive signal to consumers. "Rice from Fukushima is safe to eat." Parents of small children in Fukushima, however, do not necessarily trust the basis of the safely standards for radiation protection. I describe various attempts by non-experts and nonconforming experts to follow the imbroglios of hidden actors in the vicinity of nuclear power plants. Following the imbroglios is a task of extreme difficulty. The essay ends with an imagined conversation on the method with Akira Adachi.
著者
小川 さやか
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
no.6, pp.579-599, 2006

This paper analyzes how the unique business practices of small-scale traders dealing in second-hand clothes have changed under the recent socio-economic transformation in Tanzania. The business practices described here involve a kind of credit transaction called mali kauli, which is conducted by middlemen and micro-scale retailers. This transaction conferred many economic benefi ts to both kinds of merchants when I conducted research in 2001-02. However, middlemen and retailers were fi nding it diffi cult to sustain this type of transaction in 2003-05, when I conducted further research, because of dramatic socio-economic structural changes taking place in Tanzania. When their business reached this critical situation, the problems faced by both middlemen and retailers was not how they should respond to situational change by individual action or by collective action but how they should reconstruct their personal economic relations by using the logic of reciprocity. In conclusion, I argue that the business practices have changed through the manipulation of the power relationship between middleman and retailers, who are trying to be self-dependent and social at the same time.
著者
井坂 理穂
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 = Asian and African area studies (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.281-291, 2002-11

A central purpose of this research note is to examine the way in which recent studies of the Partition of India have begun to focus on people's experiences and perceptions of this event and, in particular, the massive violence that surrounded it. It shows how, in this process of reconsidering Partition, some historians have begun to criticise the existing history-writings based on the nationalist discourse, which analysed only political developments among parties and politicians. To understand this new approach to Partition, it is necessary to look at the development of South Asian historiography from the 1980s, and more especially, important debates presented by the scholars of the so-called subaltern studies group on the 'fragments', 'oppressed voice' and 'silence' in history-writings. Some of these scholars, in order to discover where 'silence' lies, began to explore how memory of events was constructed and reconstructed by different groups of people, by interviewing them and comparing their narratives with each other and with other narratives in official documents and history books. This method is adopted by scholars such as Gyanendra Pandey and Urvashi Butalia in their works on Partition and violence. Another source that has played an important role in drawing scholars' attention to popular perceptions of Partition and violence is a wide range of literary texts and films which depict this event. They have highlighted the hidden stories of violence and the 'silence' in official histories, and recently begun to attract increasing attention from historians. Here I introduce mainly Amitav Ghosh's novel The Shadow Lines (1988) as an example. Taking a hint from it, at the end of this paper I suggest a few important aspects of Partition that still need to be explored.
著者
茅根 由佳
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.19, no.1, pp.28-48, 2019-09-30 (Released:2019-11-02)
参考文献数
77

Indonesia’s largest Sunni Islamic organization, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), has embraced moderation and tolerance of religious minorities, under the leadership of religious pluralists. Academic works on Indonesia’s Islam have often attributed hostile and exclusive attitudes toward religious minorities, especially toward Shi’a, to groups under influence of Wahhabism. Observers of Indonesia’s Islam in the past decade, however, have witnessed increasing violence against religious minorities by NU members using similar rhetoric to that deployed by Wahhabi-inspired groups. What accounts for the emerging trend of intolerance? Specifically, what motivates certain NU members to engage in persecution of minorities? This paper shows that the power struggle within the organization primarily motivates rank-and-file individuals to mobilize the masses by using anti-minority rhetoric with the aim of jeopardizing the moderate leadership and advancing their own standing. Among the emerging opponents of the pluralist leadership are disciples of Sayyid Muhammad Alawi al-Maliki (1944–2004) in Mecca. Despite the moderate teaching of al-Maliki, some disciples who seek influence beyond the organization are increasingly using anti-Shi’a rhetoric to mobilize the masses in this electoral democracy. The paper explores their historical trajectory, and then analyzes development after the democratization as well as the limitations that prevent them from expanding their influence at the national level.
著者
間 永次郎
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.17, no.1, pp.39-72, 2017-11-30 (Released:2017-12-13)
参考文献数
55

This paper examines the relationship between Gandhi’s first nationalist movement (1919-1922) and his contemporaneous experiments with brahmacarya (sexual celibacy). Although voluminous works have dealt with Gandhi’s political engagements in the first nationalist movement, they have dismissed the significance of Gandhi’s experiments with brahmacarya during the movement; thus they have failed to unravel the reason behind Gandhi’s sudden suspension in response to the Chauri-Chaura riot. In this paper, I explore the development of Gandhi’s core idea of brahmacarya, namely “semen-retention (vīryasaṇgrah),” during 1918 to 1922. In so doing, I show that Gandhi’s purportedly “odd” and “paradoxical” ideas of “nonviolence in violence” (“hiṃsāmāṃ ahiṃsā”) and the “ethics of destruction” (the public burning of foreign clothes) during the movement were intimately linked to Gandhi’s inner psychological tensions created by his repressed manner of brahmacarya. Gandhi kept his “silence” about the massacre of the Moplah riot, which caused 10,000 deaths, but he suddenly responded to the Chauri-Chaura riot, which only caused 23 deaths. This was because only the latter could have made Gandhi aware of his inadequate manner of brahmacarya. What mattered to Gandhi was not the scale of physical violence in the outer-world, but rather the scale of the psycho-physical violence of his sexual desire.
著者
芹澤 知広
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 = Asian and African area studies (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.17, no.2, pp.227-257, 2018-03

「ヌン族の華人(Hoa Nùng)」は, 1945年の第二次世界大戦の終結後, 現在のベトナム・クァンニン省(当時のハイニン省)に成立した「ヌン自治区」の住民のうち, 1954年の南北分離によってベトナム南部(当時のベトナム共和国)へと移住した人々である. この語は, 現在のベトナムの行政用語の「ヌン族」と「ホア族(華人)」にはうまくあてはまらない民族集団を指すための学術用語として, 現在ベトナムの研究者が用いている言葉から借りている. またベトナム南部華人社会の民俗用語では, かれらを指して広東語で「防城人」や「海防人」という言葉が使われている. かれらの民族性は, 中越国境地域という文化的な共通性をもった領域を土壌とし, ハイニンという特定の場所で, 19世紀から20世紀にかけての特異な歴史状況の下で, 育まれたものである. そして, その民族性の中心に, かれらの移動とともに, ハイニンからベトナム南部へと移動した「護国観音廟」という宗教施設がある. 護国観音廟や他のヌン族の華人の民間信仰の廟宇には, 「案首公公」, 「伏波将軍」, 「社王」, 「高山大王」など, 中越国境地域沿岸部やベトナム北部に固有の神々が今も祭祀されている.This paper reports the findings of field studies in China, Vietnam, and Australia into the gods worshiped by the Hoa Nung people. The Hoa Nung are a group of ethnic Chinese who migrated from southern China in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and settled in Hai Ninh province (the present Quang Ninh province), northern Vietnam. The settlement's central religious facility in Ha Coi (the present Quang Ha) was the temple of the Goddess of Mercy, Wu Guo Guan Yin Miao (Mieu Quan Am Ho Quoc). In 1954, when the communist government led by Ho Chi Minh occupied their autonomous region, the Hoa Nung undertook a massive migration from northern to southern Vietnam. During this migration, the temple gods also migrated to the south. In addition to many places in southern Vietnam, branches of worship were also established in Australia after the fall of Saigon in 1975. Politicians that have been important to the people in the borderland between China and Vietnam throughout history are included among the gods.
著者
藤倉 達郎
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
no.13, pp.101-111, 2013

This introductory article to the special issue remembering Professor Adachi Akira recollects some aspects of his life and thoughts by looking at some of his writings. It starts from his essay on his undergraduate days at Kyoto University when he was a student of sanitary engineering interested in environmental issues but was disillusioned by professors who spent their carrier, for example, researching about how to contain radioactive waste in cement blocks and dispose them into the sea. The article then reviews some of his academic writings, starting from his study on the labor exchange system in Sinhalese agricultural settlements, moving onto his critical anthropological writings on development, and to his discussions of 'actor-network theory' as an exposition of a 'non-modernist' area studies. Through this article, I seek to mark out parts of his intellectual itinerary, noting the transformations as well as his enduring concerns such as empirical accuracy, openness, embracement of contingency and complexity, and ecology in its broadest sense.
著者
中村 沙絵
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, no.2, pp.174-211, 2014-02-28 (Released:2015-01-09)
参考文献数
23

This article is about dying, death and care-giving in an old people’s home in Sri Lanka. While the majority of older Sri Lankans still live with their adult children, roughly 200 old people’s homes provide social safety nets for those who lack familial support. Ageing and especially dying in an old people’s home without emotional or physical support of one’s kith and kin seemed to be not only exceptional but also a tragic experience for both residents and staff. Through a case study of an old people’s home on the south-western coast of Sri Lanka, this study explores how the staff strove to define their relation with dying residents and how they made sense of their care-giving activity in an ethical way. While caring for dying residents, staff sometimes expressed their sense of ‘kalakirima,’ or despair with life. Their narratives showed that they were deeply involved in the suffering of residents, not through empathy (“If I were you”), but because they themselves were subject to similar kinds of suffering: suffering due to dying, and suffering due to the contingency of life. Staff tried to give good care to residents because they would wish to be treated in the same way if they were to spend their final years in such an institution. In examining such narratives, this article seeks to find common ground between their (staff members’) ethics and ours, reflecting on several earlier works on care ethics in Japan.
著者
新井 一寛
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
no.6, pp.471-488, 2006

This article elucidates the initial formation process of a Sufi order through a certain saint's relation with his devotees. This saint is a descendant of Prophet Muhammad. His devotees think that he has knowledge of Islam, special power by which he can even kill people, and personal magnetism. I consider that the community that is formed around the saint is one in which devotees share the original Islamic view of the world, and which represents the initial state of Sufi orders before systematization. Before the 19th century, when the institutionalization and systematization of Sufi orders by the state started, there were religious groups centering on a certain charismatic person in Egypt.
著者
木村 周平
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
no.8, pp.195-214, 2008

description and analysis of policies to control future earthquake damage in Istanbul, Turkey, conducted by Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (IMM) after a big earthquake hit the northwestern part of Turkey in 1999. Refl ecting the recent move in the social science literature to take not only the Humanosphere but also the Biosphere and the Geosphere and their interrelationship into account, earthquake damage is considered as an outcome of interaction between the Humanosphere and the Geosphere. Thus anti-seismic policies can be viewed as efforts to predict behavior of the Geosphere and to regulate the undesirable consequence of that interaction. This paper discusses three projects. The fi rst is a study called "micro-zoning" conducted by JICA and IMM, which aims to visualize risk of future earthquake spatially. The second is the Istanbul Earthquake Master Plan prepared by IMM and Turkish four leading universities. The third is a pilot project of the Master Plan conducted in Zeytinburnu district. I will describe these projects as hybrid networks of organizations, scientific procedures, objects, law, and abstract ideas such as local community and participation, and analyze how the issue of damage caused by future earthquakes was introduced into those policies and transformed in the tense relationships among the multiple actors in these networks.