著者

井上 治 Osamu INOUE

出版者

島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

no.3, pp.21-29, 2017-09

著者

宇野 伸浩 Nobuhiro INO

出版者

島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

pp.27-45, 2008-03

著者

豊田 有恒

出版者

島根県立大学

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.97-108, 2002-03

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The ancient relationship between NEAR-North East Asian Region depends on many uncertain factors. The reason why is very clear. There are not enough evidence to probe the historical facts. Our study to make them clear must need some kind of patience. The area today called Shimane was once devided into two parts, Izumo and Iwami. Izumo is very famous for it's favor of the sight-seeing spots of mithology. Many tourists visit prefectural capital Matue every year. The way to solve the problems lies on this point. It's mithology. The ancient chronicle shares many pages on Izumo mith. Yet there is no evidence to probe the existence of ancient Izumo Kingdom. Izumo Kingdom is thought to be only existed in the mithological world. But in order to solve the problems, a key which can make us to guide the world of mithology, has an important role in area studies. We must need a view point to research NEAR area. The most important area is Silla (新羅). Japanese mith has a tale of a vagabond prince from Silla. His name is Susanoh, who is very famous for dragon-slaying. He killed eight-headed hydra, Yamatano-oroti. This mithological pattern originned from Greek mith, which was called Perseus-Andromeda type. This mithological tale was brought from Greece after a long jouney across the Eurasian Continent. As for the relationship between Izumo and Korean Peninsula, ancient Kara area is also important. Kara is a word to call Korea at first. For instance, Kara-kuni (韓国) means Korea itself. Ancient Kara was not a dynasty, but a league of farmers village nations. Those kinds were called by Max Weber "Bauerngemeinwesen" (Farmer's community). From this area, on the south end of Korean Peninsula, many imigrants or say refugees visited Japan Archipelago and brought a lot of chinese cultures which was already brought to Korea and translated into Korean language that had philologically same origins to Japanese. Many years afterward, Japanese forgot the influences from Korea. Or, to speak frankly, Our ancestors tried to neglect the influences from Korea as possible as we could. In 8th century Japanese began to send big delegations to Chinese Tang dynasty which made many cultural shocks such as "Law and Administration Systems" (律令制度) to Japan. The delegation from Japan to China was always confronted the power of outer sea where many ships wrecked and many young and talented student drowned. At last the Japanese government stopped to dispatch delegations to China for the fatal risks. So, us Japanese has a tendensy to over-estimate the role of China-delegation (遣唐使). It was caused by our nationalistic way of thinking in which we easily tried to think that our ancestors earned Chinese advanced civilization on our own risk of those brave voyage to China. Before the delegations to China, there were many anonimous Korean imigrants who gave us those knowledge of how to write, how to make Buddha statues, how to find gold mine, and how to construct temples or palaces. On this point, importance of Kara (加羅) was increased not only for Izumo but also for Japanese every districts. Especially Izumo has a lot of relations to Kara, for instances as those names of shrines, temples and places. I am going to make it clear about those relationship of Izumo and ancient Kara district.

著者

諏訪 淳一郎 Jun'ichiro SUWA

出版者

島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

pp.85-108, 2008-03

著者

魯 成煥 Sung hwan NO

出版者

島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

no.27, pp.9-23, 2016-03

著者

崔 穎麗 Ying Li CUI

出版者

島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

no.25, pp.75-95, 2014-03

著者

林 直道 Naomichi HAYASHI

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.141-151, 2004-01-31

著者

井上 厚史 Atsushi INOUE

出版者

島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

no.21, pp.57-79, 2011-03

著者

中見 立夫

出版者

島根県立大学

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

no.7, pp.43-56, 2004-03

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Where is "Northeast Asia" located in the world? The answers to that question are different by the disciplines or interests of the scholars at least in Japan. For instance, historians on premodern Asia recognize "Northeast Asia" as a historical cultural zone of the Tungus people. It covers East Siberia, Russian Far East, Northeastern China and Korea. The group of cultural anthropologists, linguists and archaeologists refer "Northeast Asia" to the living area of Palaeo-Siberian people in Siberia. The researchers of international relations, using the regional concept of "Northeast Asia", are discussing today's political issues and their international environment in Korean Peninsula. Moreover, in Japanese, there are two words for "Northeast Asia"; Tohoku Ajia (East-North Asia) and Hokuto Ajia (North-East Asia). Although the name of "Northeast Asia" has been used since the end of 19^<th> century in Russian works, it would be rare for English speaking people to use the words. At first stage, it showed the northeastern part of "Asiatic Russia". In 1931-41, when Robert Kerner founded the Northeast Asian Seminar in University of California, Berkeley, he intended to combine Russian studies with East Asian studies and put a new point of view to "Northeast Asia". In his understanding of "Northeast Asia", that words means "frontier" region between Russia, China and Japan. In the USA after the Second World War, among most of Asian researchers, "Northeast Asia" includes Korea and Japan, while "East Asia" means the wide area between China, Korea and Japan. In Japan, until 1945, a few anthropologists as like Torii Ryuzo utilized the words on their articles, introducing ethnic relations in East Siberia. Since 1950s, Mikami Tsuguo started to use the words for explaining the activities of the Tungus in the ancient time instead of the word Man-Sen (Manchuria and Korea). In 1951, just before the San Francisco Peace Conference, the end of Occupation time, Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, following the example of the Office of Northeast Asian Affairs in the USA's Department of States, organized Department of Northeast Asia. The Office of Northeast Asian Affairs in the USA takes cares of South Korea, Japan and Republican China, anti-Communist states in East Asia, while the Department of Northeast Asia in Japan covers all the Korean issues including North Korean. Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs avoided using the name of Department of Korea for political consideration, because there are two words for Korea, Chosen and Kankoku, in the Japanese. The words "Southeast Asia" has been also popularized over the world since 1945, and well recognized where that words indicate the area. However, in the case of "Northeast Asia" there is no consensus of indicating which range on the world map among the writers.

著者

西野 可奈

出版者

島根県立大学

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.95-100, 2005-01

著者

小林 博

出版者

島根県立大学

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.89-108, 2001-10

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1. One of the main causes of the Asian currency and financial crisis is that many East Asian countries had adopted the de facto dollar peg system before the crisis. This indicates that the exchange rate system is one of the important factors for the financial and economic stability in East Asia. In this paper, the future exchange rate system of East Asia will be examined. 2. The extent of internationalization of the RMB and the Japanese yen will have the significant effect on the future exchange rate system in East Asia. For this reason, the possibility of future internationalization of the RMB and the Japanese yen will be analyzed before the future exchange rate system in East Asia is discussed. 3. In order for a currency of some country to become truly international, there are conditions to be satisfied by the country and the followings are the fundamental ones. (1) The economy is highly developed and the size of economy is one of the largest in the world. (2) Trade volume is also one of the largest in the world. (3) Money market is highly developed and the size of market is one of the largest in the World. 4. In the case of the RMB, China will satisfy the first and the second conditions mentioned above relatively in the near future if China maintains the current rate of economic and trade expansion. However, regarding the third condition, that is, the development of money market, it seems extremely difficult for China to satisfy the conditions because China is faced with many difficult problems such as bad debt problem of state-owned commercial banks and development of capital market. For this reason, the internationalization of the RMB will be very limited one. 5. There has been very little progress as to the internationalization of the Japanese yen. The fact that the Tokyo money market is inconvenient for foreigners has been the main reason for the limited progress. In the case of deutsche mark, the existence of the European Monetary System (EMS) helped it to become key currency in Western Europe. Unless Tokyo money market becomes truly international, and unless the EMS-typed monetary system is introduced in East Asia, the progress of internationalization of the Japanese yen could not be expected. 6. After the currency and financial crisis, many East Asian countries moved to independently floating exchange rate system from the de facto dollar peg system. However, the current system is not the ideal one, and new system should be sought. When we envisage the future exchange rate system, the following points should be recognized. (1) In the case of East Asian countries, the trade partners are diversified. In addition to other East Asian countries, Japan, the United States and the Euro Area are very important partners. (2) The bilateral exchange rates of the U.S. dollar, the euro and the Japanese yen are very volatile. It is necessary that the adverse effects of this volatility on the East Asian countries is mitigated. (3) Stable exchange rate relationship among East Asian countries should be maintained. 7. In order to reduce the adverse effects of volatility of the major currencies, and to maintain the stable relationship among the East Asian currencies, common basket peg system is suitable. In this case, currency basket consists of the U.S. dollar, the euro and the Japanese yen. 8. However, it is almost impossible for East Asian countries to adopt common basket peg system from the beginning as the economies of East Asian countries are very heterogeneous. Consequently, it is practical that each East Asian country adopts individual basket peg system at the initial stage and then move to the common basket peg system. Furthermore, if the common basket peg system is firmly established, it is not impossible that East Asia will have the common currency. 9. Though ASEAN countries, China, Korea and Japan agreed to establish a system of swap arrangements (The Chiang Mai Initiative), there is no cooperative arrangement in the field of exchange rate system. It is desirable that East Asian countries establish the longer term scenario of regional monetary system including the exchange rate system. Strong political will among East Asian countries to develop the regional cooperation is the key factor for the materialization of the system.

著者

鹿 錫俊

出版者

島根県立大学

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.35-55, 2004-01

著者

鹿 錫俊

出版者

島根県立大学

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.17-41, 2001-03

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During the time of the Rehe Crisis in early 1933, the Chinese Nationalist Government, having been disillusioned with Britain, USA and the League of Nations, was forced to rely on USSR to check the movement of Japan. However, it turned out to be even largerr disillusionment than the one experienced with Britain and USA, which led to the conclusion of the "Tanggu Cease-fire Agreement." Thenceforth the Nationalist Government started to cool off the relations with USSR while employing a policy of partial compromise toward Japan. Establishment of diplomatic relations between USA and USSR in 1933 made a substantial impact on the political climate of the rest of the world including the Nationalist Government. While showing some understanding of the necessity to compromise with Japan, some advocated progressive diplomatic alliance with USSR, USA and the League of Nations to "make friends" anew under new international situations. They regarded the policy that solely focused on improving relations with Japan as "too feeble." Yet despite initiatives taken by USSR to approach China under the heightening tensions with Japan, Wang Jingwei strongly opposed to the emerging "coalition with USSR" argument. His assertion was based on the idea of making a realistic view that entering alliance with foreign countries for containment of Japan might further irritate that country and reflected a growing sense of fear that China's destiny might become subject to communist influence by USSR. Thus the party opposing to the compromise policy disappeared from the main stage of diplomacy after "Tanggu Cease-fire Agreement." Within the party affirming the "partial compromise policy toward Japan, " however, politicians were divided to two schools on the questions of "alliance with foreign countries for containment of Japan" which was backed by their judgment on USSR and the direction of the future Sino-Japanese relations which was backed by their judgment on Japan. Therefore, although all supported a policy of compromise and shared the common aim of giving priority to domestic stability over eliminating the Japanese invasion, party members remained divided on what course of action to take. Consequently, they held, as a matter of course, different attitudes toward the three lines taken by USSR, USA and the "international organization." Existence of these two schools demonstrates the fact that the Nationalist Government implicitly contained two orientations in their "partial compromise polity toward Japan." On the other hand, Jiang Jieshi of those days showed strong confidence and immense expectation in the "diplomatic potentials" of China and advocated their tactical operations. In this sense Jiang was more optimistic than pessimist Wang. Furthermore, attention should be given to the fact that Jiang Jieshi learned about Russian methods of domestic and international policies while harboring even more fears against USSR than Japan did, and asserted to have both Japan and USSR check the movement of the other party. On the question of "alliance with foreign countries, " Wang Jingwei generally stood at "no profits at the moment and no hope of success in the future, " while Jiang Jieshi viewed it as "no problem in action at the moment and definite hope of success in the future, " and firmly held the basic strategies of "internationalization of Sino-Japanese Dispute" and "resolution of Sino-Japanese problems within the international sphere." The divergence of opinion between Wang and Jiang lead to a "dual structure" of diplomacy in the Nationalist Government, namely the explicit Wang Jingwei's line that existed in parallel with that of the implicit Jiang Jieshi's. Furthermore, attention should be paid to the contents of Jiang's view that served to bridge the gap between opposing views through a kind of mutual compensation. In other words, he made efforts to actualize one possibility while having to be fully prepared to appease the opposing other. Therefore, the "dual diplomacy" of the Nationalist Government owed its divergent character not only to the ideological division between Wang and Jiang but also to the "multiple perspectives" that belonged to Jiang himself. The Chinese authority started to seek "coalition with USSR for containment of Japan" during Jiang Tinghu's visit to USSR under the circumstances of policy line confrontations mentioned above. The four following elements were also taken up : recurrence of Sino-Russo disputes over Xinjiang problems in August 1934, joining of USSR to the League of Nations in September, successful 5th attempt to suppress the Chinese Communist Party by the Nationalist Government around the same period of time and aggravation of anti-American sentiment caused by American policy to buy up silver.

著者

石 源華 許 建珍 鹿 錫俊

出版者

島根県立大学

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.33-48, 2001-10

著者

鹿 錫俊

出版者

島根県立大学

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.199-208, 2001-10