著者

松下 佳弘

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, pp.84-96, 2011-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

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This paper examines the measures taken by the Ministry of Education and local governments to close Korean schools in Kyoto City from 1948 to 1950. It utilizes official documents, mainly those of the Kyoto Prefectural government, in order to examine the actual state of Korean schools at the time as reflected especially in the meanings of memoranda concluded with Korean groups. Previous research focuses on the process over a one year period from the "Hanshin education battle" of April 1948 to the closure of Korean schools in October 1949, during which measures were systematically restrictive, beginning with temporary closure to outright suppression. In the case of Kyoto City, however, one can regard this period as one during which both the Korean groups and the government consistently compromised with one another while attempting to determine the place and position of Korean schools. In Kyoto, as a result of negotiations between Kyoto Prefectural Government and Korean groups, two agreements in May 1948, regarding approval of the establishment Korean schools and of a "special class" within public schools, were attempts to reach a temporary settlement between the two sides. As a result of this "Kyoto Memorandum," Korean schools were recognized as either private Korean schools or a "Special Class of City Elementary Schools," and classes continued as before. The following year, however, the Kyoto Military Government deemed this "special class" of schools to be a violation of education laws, and Kyoto Prefecture, which received direct instructions to this effect, revoked the "Kyoto Memorandum" in April 1949. Moreover, Kyoto city temporarily closed the "special class" of schools, and in September it ordered the compulsory closure of a schoolhouse. In October, all private Korean schools in Kyoto City that had been recognized one year earlier in the "Kyoto Memorandum" were also closed by a national government measure to close all Korean schools nationwide.

著者

水野 真知子

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, pp.90-106, 1992-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

著者

三原 容子

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, pp.111-125, 1991-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

著者

佐藤 卓己

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, pp.193-198, 2006-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

著者

米田 俊彦

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, pp.126-130, 2021 (Released:2022-04-01)

著者

佐藤 秀夫

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, pp.4-24, 1976-10-05 (Released:2017-06-01)

被引用文献数

2

著者

田代 美江子

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, pp.17-29, 2009-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

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The purpose of this study is to analyze characteristics of the translated version of sexual education books published between 1910-1940. This paper clarifies the commonalities and differences of these publications with contemporary Japanese sexual education theories. At that time, there were many books on sexual education published in Japan. Japanese sexual education theories developed under the influence of European and American culture. A comparison of translated works and Japanese theories clarifies certain characteristics of Japanese sexual education theories. This approach will provide a better understanding of the essence of problems underlying current sexual education in Japan, a significant point of this study. Three characteristics of Japanese sexual education theories are delineated in chapter one: (1) Japanese sexual education began as sexual desire education; (2) the reason for the publication of so many books arose from a sense of impending crisis in the context of sexuality; (3) in spite of an increase in sexual education discussion, the educational field took an extremely negative attitude toward sexual education. Chapter two details U.K. and American attitudes toward sexual education as background to the translations of English works on the subject. In addition, the translated versions of sexual education theories are arranged in order of author's standpoint. Chapter three analyzes the contents of the translations from the following two perspectives. First, how the translations view the necessity and purpose of sexual education. Second, how human beings, sex differences, and gender roles became the premise of these sexual education theories. The first characteristic of the translations is that they strongly emphasize "the bad influence of the negative image of sex," and that an important purpose of sexual education was to wipe out this negative image. Accordingly, scientific knowledge of nature and sexual facts were regarded as important. There were even examples of how masturbation and homosexuality were addressed in a positive context Furthermore, some influence of First-Wave Feminism can be discerned, while conservative gender biases, such as "a man is active and a woman is passive" in sexual behavior, is strongly represented in the translations. Finally, differences between Japanese and translated versions of sexual education theories are analyzed. The three following differences are made clear. (1) In the translations, the most important purpose of sexual education is to promote an affirmative understanding of sex. In contrast, Japanese sexual education theories lacked such purpose. (2) In the translations, sexual morality means "positive sexual behavior and a sense of values." In the Japanese context, however, it means "abstinence." (3) The viewpoint of gender equality, readily found in the translations, is weak in the Japanese theories. These issues have direct bearing on today's problems in Japanese sexual education.

著者

杉浦 由香里

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, pp.45-57, 2015 (Released:2016-05-02)

参考文献数

4

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This research analyzes the establishment and management of Vocational Supplementary School in Ayama County, Mie Prefecture, which was founded in 1928 by a school cooperative of Ota Village and nine other villages. In the wake of local demand for educating candidates for middle-ranking managers who could be future leaders in the farm villages, the school was established as a daytime and year-round agricultural supplementary school for students who graduated from higher elementary schools. The school had its independent buildings, farm land, and athletic field, rare for a vocational supplementary school. It placed emphasis on vocational training based on the concept of “learning through doing.” Ota Village played a central role in establishing the school, and Mie Prefecture’s agricultural experiment station was involved in its management. However, the school was unable to gather as many students as it expected because there were many post-elementary institutions nearby, including Ueno Middle School. For this reason, there was a disconnect between the initial intention of school founders and what local students wanted to pursue. Not only that, an imbalance in student numbers within the village cooperative eventually created problems in managing the school cooperative.

著者

三橋 広夫

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, pp.158-159, 2018

著者

伊藤 悦子

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, pp.141-155, 1991-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

著者

三上 敦史

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.58-71, 2012-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

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This research is a historical survey of 16 student organizations, such as "Tokyo University Correspondence Society," that conducted "Academic Competition." These competitions were essentially trial examinations for students of high schools and preparatory schools (private schools for students preparing for university entrance examinations) all over the country. Using university facilities, these student organizations were founded by students to address the problems of student poverty and at the same time to improve the academic achievement of high school students. In this time period, national universities did not properly publicize information regarding campus life. Instead, the universities relied on student organizations to disseminate such information to students and the public. For this reason, they were fostered by university authorities, and their activities were reported in the media. A study of the history of these organizations reveals the following three points: First, there was a dramatic change in the perception of student organizations over the time under consideration. Initially, student organizations were seen as addressing student poverty and improving academic achievement of high school students. Over time, however, these same organizations were thougut to only be taking money from students and worsening "examination hell." As the latter perception became predominant among the public, student organizations were dismantled by 1970. This trend reflects the impact of post-war reconstruction and rapid economic growth that led to a dramatic increase in the number of students seeking a university education. Second, dispite the external shock of entrance exam changes and negative popular preception, these student organizations continued their business as usual. Even as they were seen as money-making ventures, student organizations remained a vital source of information regarding university for entrance examinees and for high schools and preparatory schools. Third, the business model designed by student organizations was unique and innovative, so much so that after their dissolution, their role was inherited by a new entrance exam "industry." After a fouryear absence of practice exams specific to each university, in 1974 Kawaijuku founded "The Tokyo University Open." Thereafter, variations of this model multiplied, and Kawaijuku became nationally recognized and moved its operation to Tokyo in 1977. Kawaijuku's success launched the "preparatory schools war," that lasted until the late 1980s. In a sense, student organizations were the precursors of the "preparatory schools war."

著者

江森 一郎

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, pp.4-24, 1984

著者

矢鍬 友広

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.176-178, 2012-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

著者

白岩 伸也

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, pp.45-57, 2017 (Released:2018-04-01)

参考文献数

15

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After the Potsdam Declaration, the Japanese government had to decide on the treatment of former military educational institution graduates (hereinafter referred to graduates), while attempting to transform the country’s self-image from “Imperial Japan” to “Democratic Japan”. The Ministry of Education tried to transfer many graduates to other schools. However, various discussions over the measure developed. This paper clarifies the formation of the measures for graduates in early postwar Japan by focusing on the trend of “demilitarization” and “democratization” and its scope.In August 1945, the Ministry of Army and Navy began to negotiate with the Ministry of Education to transfer graduates to other schools. As a result, the Cabinet decided upon “preferential transfers” for graduates. However, when students started to criticize and CIE (Civil Information and Education Section) started to intervene, preferential transfers were abolished in November. “Restrictive transfers” that limited the number of graduates to ten percent of a school’s capacity was determined in February 1946. Nevertheless, opinions criticizing restrictive transfers or insisting upon the necessity of re-education appeared. In addition, the discrepancy between the text of the Constitution of Japan and the Fundamental Law of Education and the measures was pointed out.As described above, the measures were formed through “consultation” and “crossbreeding” with the Ministry of Army and Navy, the Ministry of Education, and CIE. The scope of “demilitarization” was interpreted differently by each organization, so that “demilitarization” and “democratization” developed a relationship of mutual conflict and reliance. It may be considered that the achievement of “demilitarization” and “democratization” was hindered, thus affecting later historical developments.

著者

白石 崇人

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, pp.19-31, 2017 (Released:2018-04-01)

参考文献数

21

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The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the significance of education research by elementary school teachers in Japan from 1901 to 1903, through an analysis of Ōse Jintarō’s theory of pedagogy as a science and through activities of the Society for Pedagogy and Educational Methods.In Japan after 1897, why did action-training-research come to be emphasized in education research? Why was school teacher’s education research considered to be linked to pedagogy study? This paper focuses on Ōse’s theory and activities to answer these questions. The Society for Pedagogy and Educational Methods, formed in 1901, is an important resource that provides an understanding of the history and origins of school teacher’s education research. It is necessary to research Ōse’s theory as the basis for this research. How was Ōse’s theory related to the activities of school teachers’ education research and the Society of Pedagogy and Educational Methods?This paper reveals three facts. First, in order to establish pedagogy study as an independent science, Ōse separated research on educational methods from research on the purpose of education, defining teacher education research as educational methods research. Second, influenced by Ernst Meumann’s experimental pedogogy study, Ōse attempted to transform teachers into educational methods researchers. Ōse abandoned experimental psychological research methods. Third, Ōse established the Society for Pedagogy and Educational Methods in order to organize education scholars involved in Higher Normal School, Imperial University, and private schools for education research of pedagogy and educational methods.

著者

三上 敦史

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.58-71, 2012

---

This research is a historical survey of 16 student organizations, such as "Tokyo University Correspondence Society," that conducted "Academic Competition." These competitions were essentially trial examinations for students of high schools and preparatory schools (private schools for students preparing for university entrance examinations) all over the country. Using university facilities, these student organizations were founded by students to address the problems of student poverty and at the same time to improve the academic achievement of high school students. In this time period, national universities did not properly publicize information regarding campus life. Instead, the universities relied on student organizations to disseminate such information to students and the public. For this reason, they were fostered by university authorities, and their activities were reported in the media. A study of the history of these organizations reveals the following three points: First, there was a dramatic change in the perception of student organizations over the time under consideration. Initially, student organizations were seen as addressing student poverty and improving academic achievement of high school students. Over time, however, these same organizations were thougut to only be taking money from students and worsening "examination hell." As the latter perception became predominant among the public, student organizations were dismantled by 1970. This trend reflects the impact of post-war reconstruction and rapid economic growth that led to a dramatic increase in the number of students seeking a university education. Second, dispite the external shock of entrance exam changes and negative popular preception, these student organizations continued their business as usual. Even as they were seen as money-making ventures, student organizations remained a vital source of information regarding university for entrance examinees and for high schools and preparatory schools. Third, the business model designed by student organizations was unique and innovative, so much so that after their dissolution, their role was inherited by a new entrance exam "industry." After a fouryear absence of practice exams specific to each university, in 1974 Kawaijuku founded "The Tokyo University Open." Thereafter, variations of this model multiplied, and Kawaijuku became nationally recognized and moved its operation to Tokyo in 1977. Kawaijuku's success launched the "preparatory schools war," that lasted until the late 1980s. In a sense, student organizations were the precursors of the "preparatory schools war."

著者

梶井 一暁

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, pp.172-174, 2009-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

著者

井上 薫

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, pp.165-167, 2015

著者

洪 祖顕

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, pp.112-129, 1971-10-05 (Released:2017-06-01)

著者

逸見 勝亮

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, pp.162-180, 2002