著者

大島 宏

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, pp.109-128, 2004

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The purpose of this study is to define the process of the institutionalization of an open door policy for higher schools (Koto-gakko) to allow girls to attend. In Japan, higher schools had been only for boys until 1947. In the early stages of preparation for "A New General Plan of Female Education Reform", the Ministry of Education had planned to open the door of higher schools to girls. In the plan, girl's special colleges (Joshi-senmon-gakko), higher courses (Koto-ka) and special courses (Senko-ka) of higher girl's schools (Koto-jogakko) would be changed into "girl's higher schools (Joshi-koto-gakko)". However, a difficulty arose in changing girl's special colleges into "girl's higher schools". Also, it became possible for girls to receive a higher school level education through other means. Because of this, in 1946, the Ministry of Education denied the urgent need of an open door policy for higher schools, refusing to qualify girls for entry into higher schools. The revision of the Constitution made it necessary to allow girls to qualify for entry into higher schools. Therefore, the establishment of "higher schools for girls" was once more chosen as the way to open the door of higher schools to girls. However, the plan to reform the school system intended to abolish the higher schools. This made it difficult to carry out an open door policy for higher schools in this way. Eventually, opening the door of higher schools to girls was realized by transforming higher schools into coeducational institutions. The revision of the Constitution required a revision of the purpose (the first) and entrance qualification (the 12th) articles of the imperial ordinance regarding higher schools. However, only the purpose was revised, and entrance qualifications were not. This originates from having tried to deal with the issue of girls' entrance qualification as an exception to the rule.

著者

清水 康幸

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, pp.32-52, 1982

著者

小山 常実

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, pp.62-78, 1987-10-02 (Released:2017-06-01)

著者

田中 萬年

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, pp.147-152, 2005

著者

褚 宏啓 一見 真理子 日暮 トモ子

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, pp.135-142, 2011

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教育の近代化とは、教育形態の変遷に伴う近代性の不断の進展の歴史過程を指す。教育の近代性も社会発展につれて変化が生じている。というのも、ある種の近代性は不断に発展し深化しているし、新たなタイプの近代性、例えば教育の生涯化・国際化・情報化等が生じているからである。教育の伝統と近代性は必ずしも相対立はしないが、両者は相互に影響しあっている。教育近代化の先行者と後発者は同様ではない。教育の後発効果にはプラス面もマイナス面もあるが、前者を強め後者を弱めることに注意しなければならない。人間の発達と国家の発展は、教育近代化の2つの基本的な価値基準であり、教育の近代化は、人間の全面発達・人間の近代化・経済の近代化・政治の近代化などに貢献すべきである。世界の教育近代化過程においては中国・日本と韓国のいずれもが後発者に属している。ただし日本は「後発者の中の先行者」に属し、最前線を歩んだ。中国と韓国の近代化のプロセスは挫折に満ちていたが、現在はともに新たな順調な発展期に入っている。

著者

須田 将司

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, pp.84-103, 2003-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

著者

西井 麻美

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, pp.174-176, 2016

著者

小林 輝行

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, pp.114-124, 1972-10-05 (Released:2017-06-01)

著者

土持 ゲーリー法一

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, pp.76-91, 1985-10-10 (Released:2017-06-01)

著者

平田 諭治

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, pp.196-204, 2004

著者

前田 一男

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, pp.53-81, 1982

著者

阿部 洋

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.191-197, 1960-10-20 (Released:2017-06-01)

著者

永井 優美

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, pp.32-44, 2017

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<p>The purpose of this study is to clarify the features of Koga Fuji's (1856-1937) educational practices in kindergartens and research activities from her relationship with kindergarten education in America. Koga went to America to research kindergarten methods, and became involved in kindergarten education in Japan. Previous research has indicated that the practices of the Homei Kindergarten by Koga represented a new form of kindergarten education influenced by progressive education, but their research does not sufficiently examine how she came to develop her education practices. In fact, this cannot be verified without elucidating the facts of Koga's studies at the University of Chicago. As a result of conducting an investigation into the question, this study enumerates three conclusions regarding Koga's educational and research activities and their development.</p><p>First, after obtaining qualifications as a kindergarten teacher during her first study abroad, she<b> </b>practiced along the theme at the kindergarten affiliated with Hiroshima Women's School, although at this stage she did not introduce new resources or methods.</p><p>Second, while she studied a second time in America, she learned progressive education of kindergarten that respected free and independent activity based on a critical study of Froebel's philosophy at the University of Chicago.</p><p>Third, at Homei Kindergarten after Koga returned to Japan, she practiced child-centered education based upon the interests and individuality of children, ascertained through child research.</p><p>Finally, Koga's pioneering practices were a result of independently and continuously grappling with child research based on scientific principles, and not just receiving the latest theories and methods in kindergarten education.</p>

著者

白石 崇人

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, pp.19-31, 2017

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<p>The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the significance of education research by elementary school teachers in Japan from 1901 to 1903, through an analysis of Ōse Jintarō's theory of pedagogy as a science and through activities of the Society for Pedagogy and Educational Methods.</p><p>In Japan after 1897, why did action-training-research come to be emphasized in education research? Why was school teacher's education research considered to be linked to pedagogy study? This paper focuses on Ōse's theory and activities to answer these questions. The Society for Pedagogy and Educational Methods, formed in 1901, is an important resource that provides an understanding of the history and origins of school teacher's education research. It is necessary to research Ōse's theory as the basis for this research. How was Ōse's theory related to the activities of school teachers' education research and the Society of Pedagogy and Educational Methods?</p><p>This paper reveals three facts. First, in order to establish pedagogy study as an independent science, Ōse separated research on educational methods from research on the purpose of education, defining teacher education research as educational methods research. Second, influenced by Ernst Meumann's experimental pedogogy study, Ōse attempted to transform teachers into educational methods researchers. Ōse abandoned experimental psychological research methods. Third, Ōse established the Society for Pedagogy and Educational Methods in order to organize education scholars involved in Higher Normal School, Imperial University, and private schools for education research of pedagogy and educational methods.</p>

著者

湯川 文彦

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, pp.6-18, 2017

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<p>The purpose of this study is to reexamine the nature of the educational system and policies under Minister of Education Mori Arinori, from 1885 until 1889, focusing on the formation of the 1886 School Ordinances and "economy" principles of education. Due to the lack of relevant historical documents, previous studies on this issue determined that Mori had a free hand to create and enact a new education system and policies.<b> </b>This study analyzes Cabinet and prefectural historical materials regarding the process of establishing education laws and "economy" principles, which previous research has not considered. This study thereby reconsiders the nature of the educational system and policies during Mori Arinori's tenure as Minister of Education within the context of government, administration, and public finances. The results of this analysis are as follows:</p><p>1) In 1885 following local education inspections, Mori proposed a system of honorary educational affairs committees, but this proposal failed to pass the review process of the Cabinet Legislative Bureau. After he became Minister of Education, Mori submitted three drafts that contained detailed enforcement regulations for the 1885 Educational Code to the Cabinet, but these drafts did not pass examination by the Cabinet Legislation Bureau. The cabinet was going to convert the 1885 Educational Code into the 1886 School Ordinances, delineating various kinds of schools. The cabinet promoted the adjustment of administration and finance, and the Cabinet Legislation Bureau had their own system design. Therefore, the 1886 School Ordinances were established in line with the policy of the Cabinet.</p><p>2) While Mori, as a member of the Cabinet, supported the Cabinet's determination to administer finances and allow for local control of education, he re-interpreted the policy of the Cabinet and sought to influence local educational affairs.</p><p>Since prefectural agencies, assemblies, cities, towns and villages were given constant authority in the local government system, Mori visited each place and held a speech to encourage local support for the educational policies of Ministry of Education. Therefore, he advocated "economy" principles which was claimed cost-effectiveness in order to secure or increase local educational expenses.</p>

著者

市川 美佐子

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, pp.4-19, 1977-10-05 (Released:2017-06-01)

著者

和崎 光太郎

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.19-31, 2012-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

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On This paper re-examines the discourse of 'anguished youth' in 1900s. As a result, this paper reveals how the concept of youth was transformed into the premise of 'anguished youth.' The first section of this paper explains the origin and the conditions of 'anguished youth' in 1900s Japan. There was an increase in elite 'youth' who had time to anguish, the infiltration of the notion to 'anguish', and the birth of Shuyo theory. Moreover, this section shows that 'anguished youth' continued from the advent of Chogyu Takayama as the embodiment of 'anguished youth' until Kumajiro Kiyama in 1908. Section two considers how 'anguished youth' became a social problem after the suicide of Misao Fujimura in 1903. While there have been many variations on the concept of 'anguished youth,' the one common them was that 'anguished youth' was the failure of 'youth', even though these 'youth' went on to become capable 'citizens.' Section three explains how middle school students, as well as higher school students around the time of the Russo-Japanese War were essentially 'anguished youth.' In this context, 'youth' were defined not as 'those with something to look forward to' but as 'those who should cope.''Coping' was established as 'education' by order of the 1906 Ministry of Education Instruction No.1.

著者

山岸 利次

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, pp.69-81, 2008-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

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In this paper, the writer attempts to clarify the legal logic of the "Children's Right to Education" article in the "Child Welfare Law" (RJWG) of 1922, through a historical analysis of the process of its enactment. Juvenile delinquents were subject to correctional education since the 1878 correctional education law in Prussia. Its enactment was expected to prevent delinquency, but execution of correctional education was limited before the promulgation of the RJWG because it was thought to interfere with the autonomy of the family, especially parental authority. Although Article 135 of the civil law enforcement regulations permitted correctional education for the "prevention of serious delinquency", the application of this article was the exception. Because of this, some people maintained that in the interests of child welfare, not only private but also public legal principles that called for greater state intervention in family affairs should be embraced in order to prevent juvenile delinquency. In 1919, the Weimar constitution (WRV) was enacted; Articles 120 and 122 refer to child welfare. The former article allowed, in principle, family autonomy in relation to the state, while reserving to the state oversight of parental authority. The latter, in contrast, expressed the dominance of state authority over parental authority in the case of preventing juvenile delinquency. In 1921, the bill of RJWG was introduced to the Congress. In Article 1, "Children's Right to Education", the bill adopted the principle of public law while based on the principle of subsidiarity, a key concept of Catholic social theory that, in effect, limits state intervention. In this manner, the bill obscures the relation between the family and the state. However, RJWG Article 1 is noticeably similar to WRV Article 122, so it was interpreted that RJWG Article 1 was based on WRV Article 122. RJWG Article 64 on correctional education did further principles of public law by distinguishing "insufficient education" from the more general condition of "abuse of parental authority" as justification for state intervention. This new condition provided a 'social' perspective to the issue of state intervention in children's education. The bill was modified in the 29^<th> Committee, however. WRV Article 120 (not 122) was cited to show that Article 1 (or the RJWG as a whole) was based on WRV Article 120 rather than on 122. In addition, a new educational category of private institutions was also incorporated into the article. Private institutions could not be categorized as either a family or a state entity, but rather a 'social' entity. As for correctional education, articles were modified in order to limit state power over the family, which was allowed in the bill. RJWG, after such modifications by the 29^<th> Committee, was ratified on July 9,1922. Conclusively, RJWG was a 'social law" in two ways. First, it provided for "Children's Right to Education" from a `social' perspective (the word "social" appears in Article 1). Second, it incorporated 'social' concerns into education.

著者

山本 和行

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, pp.097-109, 2016 (Released:2017-04-03)

参考文献数

17

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This paper reveals the 1905-1930 transformation of Shizangan (Zhishanyan in Chinese) into a Shrine. Previous research focused on the Shizangan Incident in colonial Taiwan, does not address how the Shizangan Incident developed into the Shizangan Spirit. Through the examination of official documents of the Governor-General of Taiwan, newspapers, and education magazines, this paper reveals how the Shizangan Spirit developed out of the annual commemorative ceremony.This paper makes two arguments. First, the memorialization of the “Bo kyoikuka” (Deceased Educators) honored in the annual Shizangan Ceremony included an implicit, undeniable differentiation between Mainland Japanese and Taiwanese islanders. Second, the construction of a Shrine-like facility provided spiritual support for educators in Taiwan.Generally speaking, the development of a place called “Shizangan Shrine” served a particular function in education in colonial Taiwan. The educational role that this place fulfilled is a theme for future consideration.

著者

山岸 利次

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.188-190, 2012-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)