著者

荒井 献

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.3, pp.173-187, 2010 (Released:2017-04-05)

著者

辻村 公一

出版者

日本學士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.2, pp.141-160, 2007-11

著者

山中 裕

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.3, pp.151-189, 1977 (Released:2007-05-30)

著者

古畑 種基 盧 國義

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.2-3, pp.189-193, 1948 (Released:2007-05-30)

参考文献数

25

著者

藤田 東一郎

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.1, pp.91-115, 1948 (Released:2007-05-30)

著者

水田 洋

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.3, pp.203-248, 2014

著者

根岸 隆

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.2, pp.61-74, 2013-02

著者

干潟 龍祥

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.1, pp.1-7, 1975 (Released:2007-05-30)

著者

斎藤 勇

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.2, pp.79-92, 1971 (Released:2007-05-30)

著者

斎藤 勇

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.1-14, 1979 (Released:2007-05-30)

著者

桂 壽一

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.3, pp.119-135, 1983 (Released:2007-06-22)

---

Bacon is esteemed and regarded as founder of modern inductive logic, and this is mainly correct in wider sense of induction. In its narrow sense, however, there may be several questions and doubts in such an estimation, which are found out easily by a brief survey of his writings. In order to clear up these sceptical points, we ought not merely to examine his opinions about induction mentioned in his writings on methodology, but to scrutinize his miscellaneous attempts of Natural and Experimental History in various fields of“Phaenomina Universi”, such are tried by himself fragmentarily and published posthumously.After careful investigations of these pieces and writings, especially of the research of“Heat”, developped in Book II of Novum Organum, I attained the result, which follows: Bacon's Induction intending, as he often maintained, to define the Forma of things and phaenomena, consists rather in gathering and managing the enormous amount of so-called empirical facts, i.e. experiences we meet in daily lives, and experiments we try ourselves to support and confirm experiences; in short, rather in method of“information processing”, than in the ordinary inductive inference of universal proposition.The article is deviled into 5 paragraphs1 Induction and inductive inference2 Bacon's opinion on the method3 The real process of his induction4 Research of the“form of heat”5 Definition of Heat and“Aids of understanding”Subjoined with 5 detailed Tables of Instances (translated into Japanese) 1, Praesentiae; 2, Absentiae; 3, Graduum & Comparativae; 4, Exclusivae & Rejectionis; 5, Praerogativae.

著者

干潟 龍祥

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.35-43, 1973 (Released:2007-05-30)

著者

齋藤 眞

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.3, pp.159-173, 1992 (Released:2007-06-22)

---

Needless to say, the Bill of Rights plays a significant role in the American Constitution of today as the stronghold for the guarantee of human rights. However, the Bill of Rights was not contained in the original Constitution of 1787; it was later added to the Constitution after its effectuation.To begin with, the United States of America after her Independence actually meant to be a confederation of thirteen independent States. In the Federal Convention of 1787 its leading delegates attempted to transform the United States of America from this loose form of confederation to the single consolidated central state. Which is to say, they wanted to create a single extended republic instead of having thirteen small republics. They also attempted to rectify“the excess of democracy”frequently seen in the postrevolutionary period so as to make possible a governance by some qualified and competent leaders.But, they did not forget the general sentiment of the contemporary Americans who often entertained apprehensions of strong centralized power and aristocracy as well; so they, instead of adhering to the consolidated state, drafted the Constitution which aimed at having the constitution of the federal republic. In its ratification procedures by several States, however, the proposed Constitution was criticized as oriented toward consolidation and aristocracy as well. Though these issues were fraught with ambiguities, the absence of a bill of rights in the original Constitution was conspicuous. To be sure, the Federalists argued that since the federal government was a limited government and could use only certain powers enumerated in the Constitution, a bill of rights was unnecessary. They also maintained that the proposed Constitution as a whole was nothing less than“a bill of rights”. But they later conceded to counter-opinion in the last phase of negotiation and guaranteed that after the effectuation of the Constitution a bill of rights would be surely added to it. Thus, as a matter of fact, the so-called“Bill of Rights”was stipulated in the Constitution as the First Ten Amendments in 1791.Considered in the historical context, the Bill of Rights was established not only to keep individual rights, human rights and civil rights from the encroachment of the central government but also to protect states' rights vis-à-vis the power of the central government. For, as it was clearly shown in the Tenth Amendment, the Bill of Rights included many provisions to make sure the federal character of the constitution of America's body politic. For instance, while the First Amendment stipulated the separation of church and state, it did not prohibit several States from maintaining the established church. Moreover, the Second Amendment guaranteed a State right to keep militia and a personal right to keep and bear arms. Because the republic basically meant to be but a small republic to most of Americans living in the end of the 18th century, as Montesqueu as an authority, upon whom they often fell back, had earlier described, it was natural for the Bill of Rights to have come to possess as well a role to protect the right of each State from the central government. But, it is a well-known fact today that the Bill of Rights has come to obtain a protective role to keep human rights within each State under the Court interpretation of the“due process”clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.

著者

辻村 公一

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.1-32, 1996 (Released:2007-06-22)

---

Im vorliegenden Referat hat der Verfasser den Versuch gewagt, erstens den Wesensunterschied des heideggerschen fragenden Denkens von der“πρωτη φιλοσοφια”des Aristoteles aufzuhellen, zweitens am Leitfaden der Bremer Vorträge (Gesamtausgabe Bd. 79, 1994) und seiner anderen Schriften die durch sein bohrendes Denken erreichten und immer tiefer sich öffnenden Bereiche der sogenannten“ontologischen Differenz”zu erörtern, drittens in der Entsprechung zu diesen Bereichen dem Tiefgang des“kehrigen Wesens”von“Vorstellen”, “Sicherstellen”, “Herstellen”, “Bestellen”, “Nachstellen”, bis hin zum“Verstellen”nachzugehen, viertens das paradoxe Verhältnis der Wesung der“Gefahr als Gefahr”und der Ankunft“des Rettenden”, d. h. das Verhältnis von“Gestellnis”und“Ereignis”sowie das Wesen und die Würde des Menschen als“Wächterschaft der Wahrheit des Seins”sich anzueignen, und schließlich fünftens das zu erläutern, was mir das verborgene Ziel in Heideggers Besinnung auf den“Einblick in das was ist” zu sein scheint, and zwar in Rücksicht auf das immer großgeschriebene Wort“Φυσιs”und das kleingeschriebene Wort“υεσιs”als den Einklang der großen Natur, d. h. der großen Wahrheit mit der darin umschlossenen, gewahrten Gesetztheit (japanisch: Jinenhoni) der geschicklichen, geschichtlichen Welt.

著者

斎藤 眞

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.131-149, 1997 (Released:2007-06-22)

---

It is now widely accepted without argument that the American Revolution brought forth the dissolution of the established church system and the establishment of religious freedom as tangible results. The role of religion as a theoretical background of the Revolution, however, has not reached any agreement among the scholars. Alan Heimert evaluated the significance of Calvinism as a direct contribution to the Revolution. Bernard Baylin and Gordon S. Wood, on the other hand, put much emphasis upon the influence of Republicanism. Admitting the fact that religion did not directly cause the Revolution, I would like to point out the significance of the Great Awakening which covered the English America with spiritual excitement in 1730's and 40's. The role of religion should be evaluated as a spiritual preparation of the Revolution among the populace.In the beginning of the 18th century, church activities dwindled into a stale condition under the intellectual but un-converted pastors, who had been theologically influenced more or less by Arminianism. There was a schism among the congregation in terms of social strata. On the other hand, in 1730's, Jonathan Edwards and George Whitefield among others, in spite of their very different type of character, initiated the revivals, which enhanced believers' direct access to the Divine, voluntary religious meetings and the active participation by the laymen in religious activities. These phenomena caused the transformation of religion in American society, which inevitably entailed the change of society itself. The activities of itinerants in the Great Awakening have also contributed to create new American identity, which surpassed the regional boundary among colonies.Thomas Paine's Common Sense, whose tremendous impact as a trigger of the American Revolution has been pointed out, draws our attention in this context. It is certainly interesting to note that Paine, a deist, quoting widely from the Bible, made it easy and convincing for the populace to accept the appeal of independence and antimonarchical sentiment. The role of the intellectual elites with their ideals of Enlightment, Rationalism and Republicanism was vital to promote the American Revolution. Yet, the American Revolution was widely supported and accomplished by the populace with their simple-minded religious and biblical populism as well.

著者

斎藤 眞

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.27-46, 1998 (Released:2007-06-22)

---

Many studies of the Declaration of Independence have approached it from the viewpoint of history of thought, as Carl Becker's masterpiece, The declaration of Independence: A Study in the History of Political Ideas (1922) did. I, while duly admitting the significance of history of thought approach within the context of American history, would like to pay attention to more direct and immediate political and social importance of the Declaration of Independence as a document in which the“causes of separation from the Great Britain”was appealed to the people of American colonies on the historical moment of 1776.

著者

福田 歓一

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.89-101, 1999 (Released:2007-06-22)

参考文献数

22

---

Since Polish Solidarity, which had struggled against the Communist state power on the basis of voluntary associations and independent communication among the governed, proved political success, the term“civil society”came to have a new usage quite different from Hegelian bürgerliche Gesellschaft i. e. bourgeois society. Jurgen Habermas used the new term Zivilgesellschaft in his preface to the 1990 edition of his Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit. And since the East European Revolution dissolved Soviet rule, this new usage has been welcome by the suffering peoples from dictatorial powers of e. g. Latin America. It was also in Western Europe as well as North America. Now many scholars there are busy to theorizing this new usage. In the United States, the very matrix of voluntary associations, Cohen and Arato proposed to define the civil society as the public space not only against the state system but also against the market system. I personally take this trend as an effort to break through the predicament of radical democratic theory at present, and want to reexamine of this new usage in the context of the conceptual history.Nobody denies that the social contract theory replaced the modern sovereign state, which had been the patrimony of some dynasty by the civil or political society composed of free and equal citizens on the model of the voluntary association. But the class structure of the industrial state led Hegel to define the civil society as the system of Bedürfnisse quite different from the political society, and gave Marx the vision of the classless society by the abolition of this bourgeois one. Radical democratic movement originally pursued to solve this class problem within multi-party system on the basis of universal suffrage. But simple state-citizens relationship which public law presupposed under the influence of the social contract theory was not enough to carry out this scheme. Therefore the utilization of corps intermédiaires has been raised from time to time. Tocqueville highly esteemed the voluntary associations under Jacksonian democracy in America. The pluralistic theory of the state challenged the sovereignty of the state and defended the rights of the Church, universities and trade unions. And now that the Welfare State realized only the client democracy in the mass society, and people came to be aware the reality of neocorporatism, the recent usage of the civil society naturally has a powerfull appeal to the radical democrats of the West.At the end of this century it is evident that the market economy has been more and more global, and at the same time serious problems which voluntary associations had tuckled e. g. of environment, information and population have turned also to be solved globally. There would be many difficulties on the way of radical democratic movements. Especially in Japan where so many corporations under bureacratic government has assumed the name of associations, the problems would be more serious than in the West. Now that the NPO Act was promulgated this year, 1998, I cannot help hoping the theorist's revisit the Christian sects which gave the model of the civil society on the basis of voluntary individuals.

著者

水田 洋

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.1, pp.1-20, 2000 (Released:2007-06-22)

被引用文献数

16

---

The following is based on my introduction to a catalogue of Adam Smith's library forthcoming from the Oxford Universety Press, with some additions and rearrangement for Japanese audience. An abridged version was read before the meeting of the first section (humanities and social sciences) of the Japan Academy on 15th June 1999.

著者

根岸 隆

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.17-40, 2002 (Released:2007-06-22)

参考文献数

46

被引用文献数

1

---

In Negishi (1986), I developed my view on the so-called Mill's recantation of the wages fund doctrine, the short-run theory of wages in the classical school of the economics. According to a survey article on the recent John Stuart Mill interpretations, “a further twist to the debate has been given by Negishi (1986). He reminds us that Mill, in the 1871 edition of the Principles, retracted some of his earlier enthusiasm for Thornton. There he in effect rejected the idea that disequilibrium trades in any way undermine the importance of the principle of the equality of supply and demand, and cautioned that it was too early to adduce any firm conclusions from the discussion engendered by Thornton's book”(De Marchi, 1988).I have three purposes in this present article. The first one is to offer a Japanese version of Negishi (1986), which I think it worthwhile, since there are still no Japanese translation available of the related literature referred and quoted there, i. e., Thornton (1869), Mill (1869) and Thornton (1870). Secondly, I wish to record the appearance of some related literature published in 1990's, like Ekelund (1997), Forget (1991), Fukagai (1995), Mawatari (1997), Mirowsky (1990), Negishi (1998), Vint (1994), and White (1994). Particularly, I wish to make some detailed rejoinders to comments given by Mawatari (1997).The final one is to consider, from the point of view of the modern economic theory (Arrow and Hahn (1971), pp. 324-346, and Negishi (1972), pp. 207-227), how Mill should have replied to Thornton, who asked the significance of a small amount of trade at equilibrium prices, which are arrived after a great bulk of goods were already sold at disequilibrium prices (Thornton, 1869, pp. 53-54; 1870, p. 65). As is easily seen at a glance at Figures 6, 7 and 8 in the text of the present article, i. e., those of box diagram and of utility frontier, the importance of the final small amount of trade at equilibrium prices is that the Pareto optimality is assured.

著者

水田 洋

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.2, pp.87-105, 2005 (Released:2007-06-22)

---

When Thomas Paine wrote a pamphlet in Philadelphia to justify and encourage the revolutionary war, it was entitled Common Sense by Benjamin Rush, a Continental Congressman who had studied medicine in Edinburgh under Willam Cullen. Since Cullen was quite familier with the literati of the Scottish Enlightenment including such pioneers of the common sense school of philosophy as Lord Kames, Thomas Reid, and Dugald Stewart, their vocabulary might have been popular among medical students. Thus it is almost certain that Rush took the words common sense from the Scottish Enlightenment to give it to Paine's pamphlet. However, by this trans-Atlantic transfer the word changed its meaning from conservative to radical. Needless to say Paine's common sense was that of the American common peope longing for independence whereas in the Scottish origin it was the common sense of those men of taste who were vehemently attacking the revolting colonies.Although it is an open question how clearly Rush was conscious of the total change of the meaning of the words, it might have been that he had at least a vague idea of the change before he met Paine. He wrote that he introduced Paine to the revolutionary cause to which he had joined earlier. He had been a regular member of Catharine Macaulay's salon in London. In any case, he later clearly denied the universal validity of common sense. He critisized Cullen's Greco-worship in medicine and even the personal worship towards Cullen himself. Thus Rush changed his attitude towards common sense twice, that is say, first as a revolutionary and secondly as an empirical scientist in medicine. He was a surgeon in the revolutionary war, and a medical practitioner and professor after the war. True he was a empirical scientist he has never doubted Christianity.