著者

石田 百合子

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1989, no.53, pp.43-71,L8, 1988-12-31 (Released:2010-02-25)

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This article is a chronological record of the life of Nakahara Ariyasu, written in the form of Ariyasu's diary. This diary itself does not actually exist, and in this sense the account is fictional.Nakahara Ariyasu was a musician who served under Kujo Kanezane (1149-1207) from the end of the Heian period to the beginning of the Kamakura period. He taught the biwa to Kanezane, as well as to Kamo no Chomei. A record of his statements and teaching about the biwa, organized and classified by one of his students, exists in the form of Kokin kyoroku. The present author has described its contents and expression in Vols. 1 and 3 of Jochi daigaku kokubunka kiyo (“Bulletin of the Japanese Literature Department of Sophia University”). This article follows on these previous articles as a chronological record of Ariyasu's life. The reasons why it has been written in the form of a diary are, firstly, to demonstrate the close connection between the range of Ariyasu's life and art, and the political stance as well as religious and cultural activities of the Kujo clan, and secondly, by superimposing the daily activities of Ariyasu and Kanezane, to contrast in concrete terms the difference in meaning that music and dance had to the two men, a musician and a noble respectively.Kujo Kanezane was the son of the Kanpaku (Regent) Fujiwara no Tadamichi, and became Utaisho (Major Captain of the Right) in Oho 1st year (1161) at the age of thirteen, later ascending to Naidaijin (Great Minister of the Centre), Udaijin (Great Minister of the Right), Sessho (Regent for an Emperor who is still a minor) in Bunji 2nd year (1186) and finally Kanpaku (Regent) in Kenkyu 2nd year (1191). He fell from power in Kenkyu 7th year (1196), and died in Jogen 1st year (1207) at the age of 59.Ariyasu served in the Kujo clan from the time when Kanezane was Utaisho, but at the same time held a number of official posts. According to surviving records, he held at various times the following posts: Minbu-no-jo, Minbu-no-daifu Hida-no-kami, Chikuzenno-kami, and Gakusho-no-azukari.The time during which this master and servant lived was one of great disturbances. The Hogen and Heiji Insurrections (1156 and 1160 respectively) were followed by the Genpei War, the great war between the Minamoto and Taira clans of 1180-85 that resulted in the victory of the Minamoto. The capital Kyoto was ravaged by great fires, earthquakes, and famines, and political power was steadily passing from the hands of the nobles to those of the warrior class. Kanezane's diary, Gyokuyo, gives a detailed description of movements in the contemporary political scene, and is of immeasurable value as historical source material. There is no source more valuable than this, too, for investigating the state of cultural aspects of the time, such as ceremony, religion, waka poetry, and music.Kanezane's concept of the ideal member of the noble class envisaged a person with grace who balanced equal ability in the fields of politics, ceremony, literature and the performing arts. Looking at examples from the latter field at the end of the Heian period, we can note the Cloistered Emperor Goshirakawa, who showed an almost deranged fascination for the popular vocal form imayo, while the famous musician Myonon-in Fujiwara no Moronaga devoted all of his energies to completing a comprehensive study and documentation of the gagaku, especially kangen, tradition. This attitude of becoming overly preoccupied with a single thing differed from Kanezane's ideal. This was rather a person who possessed the finest knowledge, understanding and discernment in a wide range of fields, from politics to literature and music, and who showed no special partiality towards any of them. He tried to educate his sons in this way. Kanazane himself pursued this image of the ideal Heian-period noble, and almost realized it; the one great difference between his

著者

権藤 敦子

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1989, no.53, pp.1-27,L4, 1988-12-31 (Released:2010-02-25)

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This article examines the way in which the music imported from the West during the Meiji (1868-1912) and Taisho (1912-1926) periods, as well as music that was formed in Japan under its influence, was incorporated into the enka of those periods. By viewing the change in this music during this long period of almost fifty years, it also seeks to clarify one aspect of the reception of Western music by the general populace of Japan.The introduction of Western music, which began around the end of the Tokugawa and beginning of the Meiji periods, has since exerted a substantial influence on the musical culture of Japan. However, although considerable research has been undertaken with regard to the reception of Western music by official bodies such as the Ongaku Torishirabegakari (‘Institute for musical investigation’, affiliated to the Ministry of Education), the question of how the general public received this music is one that has gained little attention. Among reasons for this are, firstly, that there are limits in terms of research material since data of relevance are unlikely to be found in official records, and secondly, that the term “general populace” includes a variety of peoples of differing cultural and social backgrounds, thus making it difficult to deal with the reception of music by the general populace as a single category.Accordingly, to bring about a detailed understanding of the various modes of reception of Western music, it is necessary to clarify each of them in turn by approaching it from a variety of angles. An attempt has been made in this article to survey one aspect of the reception of Western music by the general populace by means of examining changes in the music of the enka sung by enkashi (enka performers) during the Meiji and Taisho periods, which met with wide popularity at the time.In its present usage, the word “enka” refers in general terms to popular songs of the kayokyoku genre that are said to have “Japanese” musical and spiritual characteristics. Originally, however, enka were used along with kodan (narrative) and shibai (theatre) as a means of transmitting the message of the Meiji-period democratic movement to the general populace in a readily understandable form. Songs sung by the proponents of this movement were known as “soshi-bushi”. Later, they were taken over by street performers who sang the songs while selling copies of their texts. This article takes as its subject popular songs beginning with soshi-bushi and continuing through to the beginning of the Showa period (late 1920's to early 1930's), when recordings of these songs began to be made commercially.At first, enka played an extra-musical role in catching the attention of the populace to transmit to them the message of the democratic movement. For this reason it lacked any fixed musical form. It possessed, rather, a musical transcience and topicality, in that it freely set texts about any event that captured common attention to music that happened to be popular at the time, such as minshingaku (Chinese music of the Ming and Qing dynasties), shoka (songs in Western style used in education), Asakusa Opera and the like. Anticipating the preferences of the masses, enka reflected their contemporary attitudes towards music, and were widely appreciated by them.In this research, 280 songs verified from among those actually identified as enka have been listed according to the chronological order in which they were popular, and each song has been transcribed and analysed. As a result, it has become possible to divide the period from 1888 to 1932 into three sections. These are: a) the first period, 1888-1903, centring on a group of related pieces using traditional techniques, based on “Dainamaitobushi”

著者

松原 武実

出版者

社団法人 東洋音楽学会

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1976, no.39-40, pp.1-22, 1976-10-23 (Released:2010-11-30)

著者

林 謙三

出版者

社団法人 東洋音楽学会

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1968, no.24-25, pp.1-35, 1968 (Released:2010-11-30)

著者

三谷 陽子

出版者

社団法人 東洋音楽学会

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1976, no.38, pp.100-63, 1976 (Released:2010-11-30)

著者

井上 貴子

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1997, no.62, pp.21-38,L2, 1997-08-20 (Released:2010-02-25)

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The purpose of this paper is to explore how one can apply the recent advances in gender theory to musicology, concentrating on concerns about feminist criticism and the historicizing of gender. I will use the post-structuralistic concept of gender, because I believe that this is a rigorous approach to theorizing gender and most effectively avoids ghettoization. This approach also transcends historical periods, areas and genre boundaries.Gender theory has been the most important concept for feminists, rallying many people to join the debate. Feminists have asserted that the subjective identity of men/women is a social and cultural construction. The wide acceptance of this conceptualization, however, has led to social and cultural determinism: producing descriptive accounts of gender roles as a static dichotomic order ruled by the inherent logic of a certain society or period, supporting the idea of cultural relativism. In the case of musicology, feminist musicologists who attempted to reestablish women as the subject, have discovered women composers and musicians who have been ignored or concealed by leading musicologists. It is at this moment important that women studies are not relegated to a marginal and supplemental sphere which would serve to reify the existing belief of unequal gender relations based on biological differences.To surmount such a static dichotomy, the strategic theory must be made based on the issues raised by feminism. In the larger field of art, linguistic and visual representations such as literatures, paintings, films, performances and so on, which can give concrete images of women, have drawn attention, but music has received much less. This might be due to the existence of strong belief in the autonomy of music because of the lack of concreteness in sound. Recent studies, however, have made it clear that music, which has been the last stronghold of autonomous art, is greatly influenced by ideologies and the larger societies. Without dispelling such a belief and recognizing the politics of art —any type of power related to the construction and practice of meanings in a society—, gender theory can not be effectively applied to musicology.In an important development, feminist criticism has been applied to music. The most specific feature of musicology might be the ability of analyzing musical sound itself as well as notations, visualized texts of music. Feminist music criticism tries to explicate how meanings of musical sound are constructed: the process of articulating musical discourses through gendered discourses. Susan McCraly, the most well-known musicologist in this field, starts by rejecting the idea of autonomous art and then tries to bring to light the idea that music and its processes operate within the larger political arena. She analyzes not only worded music such as opera but also absolute music.We should recognize gender issues raised by feminists are related to men as well as women: men as the transcendental or universal subject in a patriarchal society now become the mere male subject. Gender music criticism including feminist music criticism, has already started to be developed.History of women apparently seems to acquire a certain status, considering the numerous books and articles that have been recently published. Have the leading historians indeed neglected it as having nothing to do with economic and political history? Such a phenomenon is called ghettoization. As a strategy for surmounting this, the theory submitted by Joan W. Scott has inspired many scholars. She regards the historicizing of gender as the explicating the ways of producing the meanings of gender in different contexts; the exposing the concealed power relation through paying attention to the politics of constructing meanings.When her theory is applied to writing history of music,

著者

薦田 治子

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1983, no.47, pp.21-48, 1982-08-25 (Released:2010-02-25)

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The library of Tokyo National University of Fine Arts and Music has Heikyoku written on staff notation. It was done by the Hôgaku Chôsagakari (Department of Research in Japanese Traditional Music) which was attached to the Tokyo Ongaku Gakkô (Tokyo Academy of Music), the former Tokyo National University of Fine Arts and Music.The writer was given the opportunity to investigate this notation, and was able to understand how it came to be written. Through this writer's investigation, the circumstances how it was done became fairly clear. TATEYAMA Zennoshin, who was extremely devoted to Heikyoku, lamented the declining interest in this tradition and encouraged the preservation and study of traditional music. Through his efforts, the Department of Research in Japanese Traditional Music was established in 1907 (Meiji 40). The department's major project was to write traditional music onto staff notation.According to the written record of the department, there are four pieces still remaining as well as five pieces and a piece with just a biwa part, which, because they were probably incomplete, were believed not to have been submitted to the department (See Figure 1).In these written records, the writer was able to learn when and by whom these staff notations were done. Certain descriptions in the “Heike Ongakushi (the History of Heike Music)” written by TATEYAMA, who himself sang for the notation, conflict with some of the points in the written records. In his book TATEYAMA described the proper notation of Heikyoku used by the performer. These proper notations, copied by KUSUMI Bansui, include 650 stories in 5 volumes. At present, three of the volumes are owned by TATEYAMA Kôgo in Sendai, the fourth son of Zennoshin.Considering that the biwa was used when the notation was done, the writer believes, at least in regard to these four extant pieces, that the biwa may not have been used. This is because there are mistaken pitches in the staff notation that could not have occurred if the biwa had actually been used.Since there are only a few Heikyoku performers at present, the notated music is highly valuable. Furthermore, each of the four pieces shows interesting characteristics. The ‘Nasu-no-Yoichi’ was written showing two different singing methods: the first can be refferred to as su-gatari or “plain singing” while the second can be called kurai-gatari or “performance-singing”.According to the characteristic of its music, Heikyoku can be divided to two categories, hushi-mono and hiroi-mono. ‘Kiso Saigo’ represents hiroi-mono and ‘Naishi-dokoro Miyako-iri’ represent hushi-mono. Therefore from these two pieces we can see the various aspects of these music.Because ‘Yasaka-ryû Hôgetsu’ retains some of the characteristics of the Yasaka-ryû style which had discontinued in the middle of the Edo period, it provides an important example for the study of the older styles of Heikyoku.Since TATEYAMA gives a detailed explanation of the proper notation, it is possible to understand how to perform what is written in the proper notation. In other words, his explanation can be corroborated through the notated music. For all these above reasons, the writer believes that the study of this notation along with the performances of Heikyoku as they are transmitted to this day are indispensable for studying the musical aspect of Heikyoku.

著者

岩原 諦信

出版者

社団法人 東洋音楽学会

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1954, no.12-13, pp.161-172, 1954-10-30 (Released:2010-11-30)

著者

谷垣内 和子

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1990, no.55, pp.119-149,L10, 1990-08-31 (Released:2010-02-25)

著者

武田 忠一郎

出版者

社団法人 東洋音楽学会

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1951, no.9, pp.147-154, 1951

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之は主としてモンゴンワチル君 (ジュルメンチョゴラン、ホーチンスルクホジュゴ出身― 蒙和敖齋爾、哲里木盟陳蘇魯克旗出身) 及ウルヂボイン君 (察吟爾盟出身) につき聽取したる蒙古の古い民謠 (現在もよく謠はれてゐるもの) を蒐集したものである。私は多年我國各地方の民謠及舞曲を採譜し之を研究して居るが、その比較研究の必要に迫ちれて蒙古の唄も聽いてみたところ、やはり日本古謠の或種のものと非常に似通つてゐる點の多いことを發見して驚いた。そして日本の子供等は何の不思議も無く之れ等蒙古の唄を受け入れたのである。私はその曲節の清純さと明朗さとに接して、健全そのものであるといふ感じに打たれ、かくの如き唄を持つ蒙古の人達に對し更に一層親愛の念を深めて來たのである。尤もこれ等蒙古の唄は詩の内容なり詩型なり、又た曲型に於て面白い特質があつて、研究に價すべき種々の材料を私に提供して呉れた。

著者

早稲田 みな子

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2002, no.67, pp.61-80,L7, 2002-08-20 (Released:2010-02-25)

参考文献数

19

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The contact that immigrants maintained with their homeland is one of the important determinants of the immigrant culture. However, this factor has been rarely emphasized in the studies on immigrant cultures as well as on Japanese Americans. The studies on immigrant cultures tended to focus on the interplay of cultural elements originating from the host society and those the immigrants bring from their home, while the studies on Japanese Americans tended to emphasize a process of Japanese American's Americanization, acculturation, and their upward movement toward the America's middle class through the successive generations. This study attempts to focus on the element undervalued in these past studies —a tie between immigrants and their home culture —to gain new insights into the Japanese American musical culture in pre-World War II southern California.The Japanese immigrants in pre-World War II southern California maintained close contact with their home culture through the successive waves of touring Japanese artists from Japan who performed and/or taught their musical arts in the United States. This study views these Japanese performance artists as “cultural ambassadors, ” and examines their roles and influences in the immigrant community.There were two major forces that attracted a large number of touring Japanese artists to the United States. One was the Japanese artists' own ambitions to achieve some success outside Japan. The other was the Japanese immigrants' strong attachment and longing for their home country. Coming from nationalist Japan of the Meiji period (1868-1912) and encountering racism and cultural conflict in the foreign country, the Japanese immigrants reinforced their Japanese identity and looked toward Japan as their authentic cultural model.In this pro-Japan immigrant community, the touring Japanese artists played the following three major roles to affect the immigrant musical culture:1) The role as a provider of contemporary Japanese musical arts and entertainment.Through the overseas performances by the Japanese artists, Japanese immigrants were able to enjoy the musical arts and entertainment that were popular in Japan at that time, and thus, they could maintain an intimate cultural tie with “contemporary” Japan.2) The role as a teacher and promoter of Japanese performance arts.Some of the Japanese artists not only performed, but also taught their arts to the Japanese immigrants, and sometimes even organized the local performance groups within the immigrant community. There were artists who were invited from Japan as instructors for the immigrant-based performance groups. The Japanese artists, thus, greatly contributed to the development of Japanese performance arts among the immigrants, and enhanced Japanese culture within the immigrant community.3) The role as a catalyst for the immigrants' acceptance of western musical culture.Although the majority of the Japanese immigrants were yet unfamiliar with western art music, they paid a great deal of attention to the Japanese professionals of western art music who performed in the United States, because the immigrants highly regarded those artists as the Japanese elites successfully assimilated into western culture. Through these Japanese professionals, the immigrants gained access to western musical culture in the United States, and also raised their self-confidence and pride as Japanese.

著者

寺内 直子

出版者

社団法人 東洋音楽学会

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2005, no.70, pp.146-149, 2005

著者

岸辺 成雄

出版者

社団法人 東洋音楽学会

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1958, no.14, pp.231-232, 1958

著者

蒲生 郷昭

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2008, no.73, pp.43-61, 2008

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本稿は、絵画資料にもとづきながら、「三曲合奏」はいつごろから行われていたのか、という問題を考察するものである。<br>明暦元年 (一六五五) 刊の遊女評判記『難波物語』には、床に並べて置かれた三味線、箏、尺八を描いた挿絵がある。年代の明確な資料としては、箏の加わった三楽器の組み合わせの初見である。<br>しかし、それより早い「元和~寛永年間初期」の作とされる相国寺蔵『花下遊楽図屏風』には、三味線と胡弓による合奏と、三味線と箏、胡弓による合奏とが、描かれている。さらに、ほぼおなじ時期の合奏を示すと考えられる、つぎの資料がある。<br>すなわち、『声曲類纂』巻之一に「寛永正保の頃の古画六枚屏風の内縮図」として掲げられている二つの挿絵のうちの、遊里の遊興を描いているほうの挿絵である。これは模写であり、「古画六枚屏風」は現存しない。しかし、かつて吉川英史が『乙部屏風』として紹介した模本が別に存在する。二つの模写は構図と人物配置が違っていて、その点では『乙部屏風』のほうが、原本に忠実であると考えられる。<br>『乙部屏風』でいえば、遊里場面の中ほどにいる十一人は、一つのグループを形成している。つまり、三味線、胡弓、尺八が伴奏する歌に合わせて踊られている踊りを見ながら、客が飲食している様子が描かれているのである。踊りを度外視すれば、そこで演奏されている音楽も、後の三曲の楽器による合奏にほかならない。<br>すなわち、これらの楽器による合奏は、こんにちいうところの「三曲」が確立するよりかなり前の寛永ごろには、すでに行われていたことがわかる。これらの楽器をさまざまに組み合わせた絵はその後も描かれ、こういった合奏が早い時期から盛んに行われていたことをよく示している。その流れをうけて、こんにちの三曲合奏につながる合奏が行われるようになるのである。

著者

月溪 恒子

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

no.61, pp.76-81, 1996

著者

田邊 尚雄

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.3, pp.1-10, 1938

著者

片桐 功

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

no.49, pp.172-174,L34, 1984

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This report deals with my research into the folk music of Hiroshima prefecture. There are many kinds of folk music in this prefecture, most of which are valuable in historic terms. Accordingly, deciding that I would take up research dealing with this region as my second field of study, I undertook various types of field work on a number of occasions. This led me to the personal discovery of a type of drum dance of interesting historical origin, which I have since been investigating.<br>The dance apparently originated in the following way: when Kikkawa Motohara (the lord of Hinoyama castle in Shinjo) attacked Nanjo Mototsugu (the lord of Ueishi castle in Hoki province) towards the end of the Sengoku era, he had a number of his warriors disguise themselves as dancers, who then entered the castle to entertain the dance-loving Mototsugu. The warriors, seizing their chance, drew the swords that they had concealed upon them, with the result that the enemy was defeated and the castle captured. As a commemoration of his victory Kikkawa Motoharu spread this dance throughout his domains.<br>Today drum dances associated with this story or dances of very similar nature can be found throughout the Chugoku district of Japan. The dances have two lineages: one is danced by dancers in female attire wearing a flower hat and is called the <i>hanagasa</i> dance; and the other is danced by dancers dressed as warriors and is called the <i>bukotsu</i> dance.<br>During the initial stages of my research I have to date concentrated on the lineage of the <i>hanagasa</i> dance, dealing over the period of the last few years with the drum dances of Ikeda (Midori-cho, Takata-gun, Hiroshima prefecture), Honji (Chiyoda-cho, Yamagata-gun) and Yahatabara (Geihoku-cho, Yamagata-gun). This year I am planning to shift my attention to the lineage of the <i>bukotsu</i> dance, and investigate the <i>nanjo</i> dance of Iwakuni (Yamaguchi prefecture).

著者

伊東 信宏

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1994, no.59, pp.121-122, 1994-08-31 (Released:2010-02-25)

著者

平間 充子

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2006, no.71, pp.39-63, 2006

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踏歌節会の原型は天武・持統朝 (六七二~九七) に遡り、また中国の元宵観燈という行事に起源が求められるとの指摘があるが、その根拠となる『朝野僉載』は元宵観燈を先天二 (七一三) 年と記し、天武・持統朝に及ばない。一方、隋の煬帝 (在位六〇四~一八) は、正月中旬洛陽にて百戯と呼ばれる見世物を諸蕃の前で挙行し、それを恒例とした。本稿では、日本の踏歌節会及びその前身と考えられる正月中旬の饗宴儀礼について、その構造と政治的重要性を中心に煬帝の百戯と比較検討を行うこと、その上で洛陽以外にて行われた煬帝の百戯と奈良次代以前の日本で見られる芸能奏上の場とを比較し、踏歌節会と密接なつながりを持つ射の儀礼を媒介に、古代日本における音楽・芸能の奏上について政治的視点から考察することを目的とする。<br>第一章では、平安初期の儀式書『内裏式』および正史に見える天武朝から桓武朝 (六七二~八〇六) の踏歌節会の構造から、踏歌芸能の有無は踏歌節会の起源特定の根拠となり得ず、それを前提としていた先行研究の結論は再検討を要することを明らかにした。第二章では、『隋書』に見られる都城での百戯の記事を分析し、日本の踏歌節会の原型となった正月中旬の饗宴儀礼のモデル足り得るとの結論に到った。根拠は、元宵観燈と違い諸蕃の参加が不可欠であること、国家的行事としての組織的関与が窺われることの二点が日本の儀礼と共通するからである。第三章では、日本の正月中旬の饗宴儀礼と煬帝の百戯とにおける蕃客・諸蕃の位置づけの差異に関し、射の儀礼との比較から音楽・芸能の奏上が日本独自の礼秩序を体現していた可能性を示した。第四章では、『日本書紀』『続日本紀』に記される奏楽・芸能の奏上のほぼ全てが、蕃客・客徒のいる場か行幸先のどちらかであることについて考察を行い、当時の日本の奏楽・芸能奏上が中国の影響を受けつつも独自の発達を遂げた可能性を指摘した。<br>古代日本の儀礼における音楽・芸能奏上と中国のそれとを比較することは、音楽史的問題に留まらず、礼の移入や日本独自の礼秩序の樹立・表象といった政治史・文化史的側面を解明する手がかりともなり得るであろう。

著者

小林 責

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1967, no.21, pp.25-38, 1967