著者

中西 哲也 Tetsuya Nakanishi

雑誌

法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.4, pp.1(1239)-35(1273), 2014-02-28

著者

平松 毅

出版者

関西学院大学

雑誌

法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.257-290, 1992-03-30

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1 Characteristics of Political Climate in the USA 2 Conflict between "the People's Right to Know" and "the Congress's Right to Know". 3 Correlation between the Executive Privilege and the Impeachment Right of the Congress. 4 The Use of the Executive Privilege by each President of the USA. 5 An Attempt to Protect Classified Information by Statutes. 6 Legal Basis to Protect Classified Information. 7 The Scope of the Executive Privilege. 8 A History of the Executive Privilege. 9 Reform to Reduce the Amount of Classified Information by President Carter. 10 An Attempt to Strengthen Classified Information by President Regan. 11 Summary.

著者

宮内 紀子 Noriko Miyauchi

雑誌

法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1, pp.75(216)-114(177), 2013-04-20

著者

高島 千代 Chiyo Takashima

雑誌

法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.4, pp.1(747)-44(790), 2010-01-20

著者

高島 千代 Chiyo Takashima

雑誌

法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.1/2, pp.1-51, 2010-07-20

著者

岸野 浩一 Kouichi Kishino

雑誌

法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.3, pp.39(696)-77(658), 2012-10-20

著者

荻野 晃

出版者

関西学院大学

雑誌

法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.2, pp.492-454, 2007-07

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The aim of this paper is to examine the background of the 2006 riots in Hungary. This paper is focused on the process of Hungary's accession to the European Union (EU) and the rise of nationalism. Hungarian socialist and liberal leaders promoted Hungary's joining of the EU. EU accession of Central and Eastern European countries means the 'return to Europe', which accepts democracy, rule of law, respect for human rights, protection of minorities and a market economy. After the regime change in 1989, they tried to restrain crude nationalism, which resulted from economic discontent and deteriorated relations with neighboring countries, where Hungarian minorities live. The Hungarian Government carried out economic reform to transform into a market economy, and put the public sector under private management. As a result, the reform brought about a high percentage of unemployment and a decrease in social security. Moreover, Hungary had to set its finances in order by cutting down expenses to adopt the Euro currency. Hungary's budget deficit is the biggest in the EU. The socialist Prime Minister, Ferenc Gyurcsany made a slip of the tongue in May 2006, which came to light in September. He said that the Government had lied "morning, noon and night" about the problems facing the country to win the general election in April. The opposition party leaders and angry Hungarian citizens got together in front of the Parliament building, and protested against Gyurcsany. They demanded him to resign as the Prime Minister. Riots broke out on 18 September and on 23 October, in which 800 police and rioters were injured. October 23 was the 50^<th> anniversary of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. The riots were caused by far-right radicals, who were skeptical about European integration and hostile to the socialist and liberal leaders. In spite of joining the EU, Hungary is in a difficult situation. The author analyses why European integration caused the rise of nationalism. This paper consists of following sections: 1. Introduction 2. What was the regime change in 1989? 3. EU Accession and Nationalism 4. Hungary in 2006 5. Conclusion

著者

田中 通裕 Michihiro Tanaka

雑誌

法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.4, pp.173(1872)-195(1850), 2012-01-20

著者

柳屋 孝安 Takayasu Yanagiya

雑誌

法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.3, pp.1(904)-52(853), 2008-10-20

著者

荻野 晃 Akira Ogino

雑誌

法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.3, pp.1(565)-38(602), 2012-10-20

著者

伊勢田 道仁 Michihito Iseda

雑誌

法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.3, pp.39(603)-54(618), 2012-10-20 (Released:2016-12-01)

著者

山口 敦子

出版者

関西学院大学

雑誌

法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.3, pp.940-918, 2008-01

著者

長岡 徹 Toru Nagaoka

雑誌

法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.4, pp.37(1208)-65(1180), 2011-01-20

著者

広岡 隆

出版者

関西学院大学

雑誌

法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.3, pp.309-366, 1984-11-30

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En France, le domaine public est considere comme englobant les biens affectes a l'usage du public (par exemple; le rivage de la mer, la route, le chemin public, le fleuve, l'eau publique, l'edifice du culte etc.) et les biens affectes aux services publics (par exemple; l'hopital, l'abattoir, la station de metro, le garage municipal etc.). Le domaine public appartient aux personnes publiques (a l'Etat, aux departements, aux communes etc.). En general, on considere que la nature juridique du domaine public est differente de celle du domaine prive qui se conforme aux regles du Code Civil, et que le domaine public est inalienable et imprescriptible, parce que son affectation a l'usage du public ou aux services publics n'est pas compatible avec l'acquisition par les tiers de droits reels sur lui. Le principe d'imprescriptibilite du domaine public a ete forme par la doctrine dans la premiere moitie du XIX^e siecle. Actuellement ce principe a une valeur legislative et resulte de l'article L. 52 du Code du domaine de l'Etat, ≪les biens du domaine public sont inalienables et imprescriptibles.≫ Le Conseil d'Etat considere qu'on ne peut acquerir par voie de prescription (article 2262 du Code Civil) aucun droit reel sur le domaine public, sauf le cas ou la desaffectation explicite par l'autorite administrative l'a fait tomber dans le domaine prive. Mais dans le cas ou une partie du chemin public a ete close de barrieres construites par des personnes prives il y a presque soixante-dix ans, et ou la circulation des voitures etait totalement exclue de cette partie, sans que jamais la commune ait eleve la moindre protestation, la Cour de Cassation a approuve l'acquisition par voie de prescription de la propriete de cette terre, en admettant l'existence de la desaffectation implicite (Cass.-req. 11 mars 1946). Au Japon aussi, la doctrine traditionnelle admet que le domaine public est imprescriptible, bien qu'il n'y ait aucune disposition legislative qui declare son imprescriptiblite. Autrefois, la jurisprudence aussi, en tenant a ce principe d'imprescriptibilite, a considere qu'on ne pouvait acquerir par voie de prescription aucun droit reel sur la voie fluviale ou sur le chemin public, sauf le cas ou la desaffectation explicite par l'autorite administrative l'a fait sortir du domaine public. Mais recemment deux arrets de la Cour Supreme (celui du 24 dec. 1976 et celui du 28 avril 1977) ont approuve l'acquisition par voie de prescription de la propriete de la terre qui appartenait au domaine public (la voie fluviale; le chemin public), en admettant l'existence de la desaffectation implicite sous certaine situation du fait. Ils nous ont presente un nouveau critere : ≪Dans le cas ou un bien affecte a l'usage du public a ete possede paisiblement et ouvertement par un particulier pendant une longue periode, sans que ce bien ait ete mis en usage suivant son propre but, et ou il a perdu parfaitement son ancienne forme et son utilite essentielle, mais cette situation du fait n'empeche aucun interet general, et ou il n'y a pas de necessite de conserver ce bien pour l'usage du public, on peut admettre l'existence de la desaffectation implicite qui le rend prescriptible.≫ Dans ce traite nous reflechirons sur la doctrine et la jurisprudence en France et au Japon comparativement. La table des matieres est la suivante. I La doctrine et la jurisprudence en France (1) La nature juridique du domaine public et son imprescriptibilite (2) La formation historique du principe d'imprescriptibilite (3) Les consequences de ce principe (4) La desaffectation implicite du domaine public II La doctrine et la jurisprudence au Japon (1) La doctrine traditionnelle et les autres theories differentes (2) L'analyse et la critique des arrets de la Cour Supeme

著者

前田 正治

出版者

関西学院大学

雑誌

法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.3, pp.347-386, 1975-03-25

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From some time ago, the writer has been aware the term "kenri(権理)" was used in some juridical books published in early Meiji Era. By chance, the difference between "kenri(権理)" and "kenri(権利)" was discussed at the Annual Meeting of Hoseishi Gakkai (Legal History Association), held in May, 1974,and it stimulated the writer to examine the problem in some detail. As a legal term, "kenri(権利)" had been used in China (then under the Chiang dynasty) in the Chinese translation of Wheaton's textbook on International Law. In 1869,this translation was introduced to Japan by the Maiji Government's Official Translator Mizukuri Rinsho(箕作麟祥), who first used the term "kenri(権利)" in Japan. Since then, this translation has been consistently used in Japanese laws and regulations as well as in other official documents. On the other hand, the term "kenri(権理)" was used, as far as this writer knows, in the books by Kato Hiroyuki(加藤弘之), Fukuzawa Yukichi(福沢諭吉), Furuzawa Shigeru(古沢滋), Ono Azusa(小野梓), Ozaki Yukio(尾崎行雄), Niwa Junichiro(丹羽純一郎) Suzuki Yoshimune(鈴木義宗) Fukumoto Tomoe(福本巴) Kamimura Tadanori(神村忠起) Kurimoto Teijiro(栗本貞次郎) and Kawashima Shozo(川島正三), which were published between 1870 and 1881. The authors of these books did not specify the difference between the two terms. Only Fukuzawa Yukichi used both of them in his book, giving us some clue to the precise meaning of each legal terms; by "kenri(権利)", Fukuzawa meant the general concept of right in modern law, and by "kenri(権理)", he intended to signify the conciousness of legal right held by the people since the feudal period. It should be noticed, furthermore, that those who used the term "kenri(権理)" belonged generally to the group that asserted "Jiyu Minken(自由民権democrtic rights)". It is well presumed that these enlightened authors, not following the official translation, "kenri(権利)", sought to find out the word which would be more logically satisfactory to them. Moreover, as most proponents of Jiyu Minken were of samurai class, they were influenced by the feudal-law consciousness, which had traditionally disliked "ri" (利secular profits) and respected "ri" (理reason), and even if they were staunch advocates of the democratic rights, they had an inevitable repugnance to the Western (Anglo-French) culture. It seems to the writer that these circumstances underlay their usage of the term "kenri(権理)".

著者

武居 一正

出版者

関西学院大学

雑誌

法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.321-346, 1996-03

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Introduction Chapitre 1 Les lignes directrices de la protection de la loi du 8 dec. 1992 Chapitre 2 Les definitions et le champ d'application de la loi Chapitre 3 Les droits et les obligations Chapitre 4 La Commission de la protection de la vie privee Chapitre 5 Les sanctions penales Conclusion

著者

岡 俊孝

出版者

関西学院大学

雑誌

法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.3, pp.27-53, 1967-09

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In the present issue, an analysis is made of Sonnino's efforts to formulate and execute the Italian foreign policy from the beginning of World War I to the intervention of Italy in May 1915. The writer considers this analysis is necessary in order to understand the Italian claims and Wilsonian diplomacy as well as their interaction at the Paris Peace Conference. First, Sonnino's reaction to the outbreak of the war is studied. Through examining his letters sent to Prime Minister Salandra, the writer explains how and why Sonnino's pro-Triple Alliance bearing at the very beginning of the war shifted into neutrality within a couple of months. Second, attention is paid to the fact that, in his frame of foreign policy, the primary emphasis was placed upon Italy's political and territorial expansion toward the Balkans, especially toward Albania. Taking full advantage of the European conflict, Sonnino intended to promote this plan. It was mainly for this purpose that he attempted to take as many gains as possible out of the Entente Powers in the negotiations which led to the London Treaty of 1915. Third, a brief discussion is made regarding his attitude to Italia Irredenta. Sonnino could not but make "Trento e Trieste" play a very important role for the Italian government to obtain the support of its people for the policy of intervention : it can be said that, until immediately after the opening of Italy's negotiations with the Entente, Trieste was not included in its territorial claims. Besides the all-powerful slogan of "Trento e Trieste", there were a few other means that Sonnino utilized in order to switch over the anti-war sentiment of the people to enthusiasm for intervention in the war : Bulow's proposal not to the Italian government but to Giolitti for himself; propaganda maneuvers of some influential newspapers for support of the government; and a mighty campaign by D'Annunzio, a poet and fanatic nationalist, for Italy's intervention. Finally, the writer concludes that the national sentiment of the Italian people, which was made use of by Sonnino in order to intervene in the war according to a provision of the London Treaty, was guided and controlled by strong leadership of the government just before the intervention of Italy. It should be noted, however, that after the intervention the nationalistic sentiment of the people, once flared up by the political leaders, tended to go beyond their control, gave pressure to the formulation and execution of foreign policy and finally took the initiative. (to be continued)

著者

岡 俊孝

出版者

関西学院大学

雑誌

法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.4, pp.525-559, 1965-10-30

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At the Paris Peace Conference, the Council of Four, consisting of Wilson, Lloyd George, Clemenceau, and Orlando, actually played the role of an executive council during the period of primary decision-making on the world settlement. And Wilson was regarded by the world as primus inter pares among these four leaders. In the President of the United States most people found a Messiah who had liberated the world from the Teutonic autocracy and the devastation of war, and thought that he came to Paris in 1919 to realize the very world that they had hoped for. In a word, Wilson was the central figure at the Peace Conference. Consequently, it is no wonder that most of the praise or censure on the Peace Treaties and their results has been focused on him. It is a known fact that the Italian enthusiasm and esteem for Wilson reached the zenith when he visited Rome in January 1919 and they fell off as Orlando faced difficulties on the Italian claims at the Council of Four. And it is also known that Wilson's direct appeal to the Italian nation, in April 1919,to assume a conciliatory attitude toward territorial claims abruptly turned their zeal for Wilsonian principles into fears and hatreds of this American President. Italians were greatly angered and disappointed at the results of the Conference. In a sense, their hatred for the New Order made it possible for Mussolini's Fascists to make a sudden rise and come into power in such a short time and to remain in power for the next twenty years. On what grounds and for what reasons did the Italian Government ask at the Conference for such territorial claims as were obviously incompatible with Wilson's principles, seen in retrospect? In what environment did the delegates of the United States deal with Italian claims? What were the reactions of Woodrow Wilson against these demands strenuously proposed by Orlando and Sonnino? And why? The purpose of this essay is to answer these questions, drawing on documentary materials such as Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the U.S., Documents on British Foreign Policy and Documenti Diplomatici Italiani, as well as on historical literature and biographies. The contents of this paper follow : I. Introduction. II. Historical Background-Italia Irredenta and the change of Italian foreign policy. III. From Neutrality to Intervention. IV. The London Treaty of 1915 and the Fourteen Points. V. Italian Claims and the Wilsonian Diplomacy at the Peace Conference. VI. Epilogue. The first three sections are only treated in this number. Italy claimed that her demands were based on the principle of selfdetermination of peoples and the Treaty of London as well. In order to gain a better understanding of the Italian demands on this principle, a brief retrospect of Irredentism is necessary. Section II is concerned with the relations between the Italian foreign policy and Irredentism. Since 1870 Italia Irredenta was a source of diplomatic contention. But in Italy this issue occupied the attention of the statesmen and the public on one occasion, while it was neglected or denied on another. Italian Governments from 1870 to 1914 conceivably made a cat's-paw of Irredentism according to their policies. And it was not until after World War I that Irredentism became a strong idea and sentiment of the nation. The Treaty of London was an outward expression of Italy's sacro egoismo and also the fruits of Sonnino's diplomacy. Section III briefly sketches the contents of the treaty and the nature of Sonnino's policy. It might be reasonable to conclude that his personality and statesmanship acted as a limiting factor on Italy's foreign policy after 1915 by his failure of paying attention to the rise of nationalism in the Balkans, and that his diplomacy, together with Irredentism which was flared up by the public, contained therein the seeds of the crisis at Paris in 1919. (to be continued)

著者

黒田 展之 小林 裕一郎

出版者

関西学院大学

雑誌

法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.2, pp.327-337, 1998-09-30

著者

岡 俊孝

出版者

関西学院大学

雑誌

法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.1, pp.601-615, 1962-03-30