- 著者
- 長岡 龍作
- 出版者
- 東京大学グローバルCOEプログラム「死生学の展開と組織化」
- 雑誌
- 死生学研究 (ISSN:18826024)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- no.12, pp.266-230, 2009-10
公開・国際シンポジウム 死生と造形文化Ⅱ「礼拝像と奇跡 -東西比較の試み」
2 0 0 0 OA 感応と表象-美術の宗教的機能に関する基礎的考察
1 0 0 0 OA 彼岸・因果・表象 : 仏教美術への開かれたアプローチとして
- 著者
- 長岡 龍作
- 出版者
- 日本仏教綜合研究学会
- 雑誌
- 日本仏教綜合研究 (ISSN:13484850)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.6, pp.31-52, 2008-05-31 (Released:2017-11-06)
1 0 0 0 IR 仏像表現における「型」とその伝播(上)―平安初期菩薩形彫刻に関する一考察―
- 著者
- 長岡 龍作
- 雑誌
- 美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
- 巻号頁・発行日
- no.351, pp.1-15, 1992-01-31
A previous study of the expression of movement in the early Heian-period sculpture by Tadashi INOUE, "Various Aspects of Danzō (Plain Wood Buddhist Images) IV: A Standing Statue of Elevenheaded Kannon and the Painting Style of Wu Daoxuan" (Gakusō No. 9, March 1987) argues that "Wu Tao-hsüan yang" (Wu Tao-hsüan style) influenced the expression of movement and that the statue of Ekādaśamukha at Hokke-ji dates from the high T'ang period. Reconsidering its significance and problems, the present article attempts to refute Inoue's argument. Li-tai ming-hua chi by Chang Yen-yüan of the late T'ang period talks about Ts'ao Chung-ta, Chang Sêng-yao, Wu Tao-hsüan, and Chou Fang in relation to the production of Buddhist paintings, and describes them as model artists for painters and sculptors alike. Among them, this book mentions Ts'ao, Chang, and Wu with a suffix "yang 様," such as Ts'ao's yang, Chang's yang, and Wu's yang, while crediting Chou to be the originator of the "t'i 體" of Water Moon Avalokiteśvara. It can be considered that the character "yang" referred to a concrete "form" or "formal pattern" of the intended subject matter, and that "t'i" was to signify the "figure" of Buddhist deities. Therefore "t'i" can be interpreted as including the meaning of "formal pattern" of the Buddhist deity commonly used in painting and sculpture. "Chang's yang" may be characterized as the vigorous modelling of movement, such as fluttering drapery, as described in the T'ang-dynasty comments on Wu Tao-tzu's painting. It seems to have been the "pattern" mainly employed for lowranking deities with which was relatively easy to suggest movement. In the T'ang-dynasty wall paintings at Tunhuang, those of the early and high T'ang made distinctions between bodhisattvas and lower-ranking deities in the depiction of their scraves. From the mid-T'ang period, however, the emphasis is seen in the movement in the fluttering scarves of both ranks of deities. This shift can be understood as a change in the depiction of scarves, based on the newly developed "formal pattern" of the "Wu's yang." Therefore it is assumed to have occured during the transitional stage between high T'ang and midT'ang. Each of these "patterns" may have had distinct significance in the making and appreciation of Buddhist sculpture as a clearly recognized canon in late T'ang, while functioning as categorization of Buddhist images with different imageries. The statue of Ekādaśamukha at Hokke-ji and the statue of Avalokitesvara at Daigo-ji, which represent the early Heian-period, had a two-dimensional, pictorial "pattern" as their model, which was skillfully translated into a three-dimensional modelling of sculpture. These examples show that the making of Buddhist sculpture employed pictorial "patterns" as models and conquered the concomitant difficulties in the process of its development. As for the movement in the drapery, a certain relationship with the contemporaneous "Wu's yang" of China may be assumed. This is a quick reflection of the canon in late T'ang. Early Japanese use of "patterns," found in the bodhisattvas playing music as well as other deities in painting and relief at Tódai-ji, suggests that the practice emerged in the making of painting and relief in the latter half of the Tenpyō period. The above argument leads to the following assumptions. First, Chinese influence on Japanese sculpture of the time was strongly pictorial in nature. Second, the Japanese interest in the "formal pattern" was crucial in the acceptance of the Chinese influence. Inoue's argument that the Hokke-ji statue dates from the high T'ang period can be negated on the basis of the following characteristics of the statue. It had a pictorial "pattern" as its model, which was commonly used for paintings of the same deity in Japan. It is imagined that the introduction of "formal patterns" to Japanese Buddhist sculpture was made possible as the Japanese sculptors were interested in proper use of different "patterns" and their foreign nature.
1 0 0 0 OA [論文] 悔過と仏像
- 著者
- 長岡 龍作
- 出版者
- 奈良国立博物館
- 雑誌
- 奈良国立博物館研究紀要 : 鹿園雜集 = Bulletin of the Nara National Museum: Rokuon Zasshū (ISSN:13466402)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- no.8, pp.1-29, 2006-03
1 0 0 0 OA 東日本に分布する宗教彫像の基礎的調査研究-古代から中世への変容を軸に
- 著者
- 長岡 龍作
- 出版者
- 美学会
- 雑誌
- 美学 (ISSN:05200962)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.60, no.2, pp.169-170, 2009-12-31 (Released:2017-05-22)
1 0 0 0 名取新宮寺一切経本を中心とした『続高僧伝』の総合的研究
1 0 0 0 OA 平泉研究の資料学的再構築
- 著者
- 柳原 敏昭 七海 雅人 狭川 真一 入間田 宣夫 菅野 文夫 堀 裕 山口 博之 誉田 慶信 佐藤 健治 齊藤 利男 飯村 均 乾 哲也 井上 雅孝 及川 真紀 岡 陽一郎 菅野 成寛 鈴木 弘太 長岡 龍作 奈良 智法 畠山 篤雄 羽柴 直人 若松 啓文
- 出版者
- 東北大学
- 雑誌
- 基盤研究(B)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- 2013-04-01
本科研がめざしたのは、歴史資料の再検討による、平泉研究の新たな展開のための基盤整備である。研究目的に即し、文献・考古・石造物の三班に分かれて研究を遂行した。文献班は、中尊寺文書を中心とする同寺所蔵中世史料の悉皆的な調査を実施し、多くの新知見を得た。また、平泉関係の文献史料を集成した。考古班は、経塚を中心とする12世紀代の遺跡の発掘調査を行い、日本最北端の経塚を確認するなどの成果を上げた。また、平泉に関連する北海道・東北地方の遺跡の集成を行った。石造物班は、平泉とその周辺の石造物を調査、資料化し、主要なものについて報告書に掲載した。結果、平泉研究に新しい面を開くことができた。